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Showing posts with label Robert Maguire. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Robert Maguire. Show all posts

Wednesday, August 27, 2014

Aristide Faces Justice in Haiti by Stanley Lucas


Former President Jean Bertrand Aristide is facing indictments from three different judges in Haiti.  Under pressure, Aristide reverted to his familiar evasive maneuvers and scare tactics to avoid the justice that has been chasing him since he was forced to resign his Presidency in 2004.  This week he paid three hundred people to protest in the street in an attempt to block police from arresting him.  So far, he has been successful in buying himself some time while the police develop a strategy to detain him in a way that does not disrupt the public order.

The charges he faces are serious, disturbing and wide ranging.  Judge Sonel Jean Francois is prosecuting a cooperative Ponzi scheme in which Aristide and his colleagues in the Lavalas party took to the radio urging poor Haitians to invest in a “Cooperative Initiative” that would yield impressive returns.  He is being indicted for stealing millions of dollars received from thousands of poor Haitians.  Judge Francois is also going after his La Fanmi Selavi Foundation, focused on helping the poor children of Haiti, for alleged heinous abuses against children.

Judge Ivickel Dabresil is prosecuting the case of the assassination of Haitian journalist Jean Dominique.  Judge Dabresil has already indicted nine of Aristide’s associates, including the head the Foundation Aristide for Democracy Mirlande Liberus, who is hiding in Miami; Ann Auguste (a.k.a. So Ann), Aristide’s voodoo priest and political advisor; and seven others.  During his two terms in office, Aristide was allegedly behind the murder many of his political opponents.  Among those killed, were three prominent journalists:  Jean Dominique, Brignol Lindor, and Jacques Roche.  Many known political leaders such as Mireille Durocher Bertin, Pasteur Antoine Leroy, Senator Yvon Toussaint, Bernard Lauture and others suffered a similar fate.  The loss to Haiti’s democratic system, which his Foundation claims to promote, is profound.

And, Judge Lamarre Belizaire has issued indictments for money laundering and the embezzlement of hundreds of millions dollars from Haiti’s state coffers.  Arrest warrants have been issued for Aristide; Laura Flyn Morgan, his executive assistant and lobbyist; Yvon Neptune, former Prime Minister; and five others. On Friday, Neptune was questioned by the judge, but was allowed to return home afterward. They are being summoned to answer charges based on the two Haitian state corruption reports issued by the Haitian General Accounting Office (UCREF) and the Commission Administrative in 2004.  The Commission Administrative report provides extensive evidence to support their findings, including copies of the checks, bank account numbers, and wire transfers, detailing how Aristide stole $350 million from the Haitian government.  Yet that report does not cover all the stolen funds.  He also allegedly stole from Haiti’s telecom company, Teleco, other ministries and state offices.  Aristide’s net worth is estimated at a staggering $800 million. Last Friday, while in the judge’s office, Aristide’s former Prime Minister seemed to take an indirect shot at his former boss stating that every citizen has an obligation to respond to judicial summons and no one is above the law.  Neptune has a different strategy from Aristide in dealing with these charges.  Aristide attempted to stop the judicial proceedings by filing a petition to Haiti’s Supreme Court to recuse the judge, process that requires no reason under Haitian law.  In response, the judge who is the head of Haiti’s Civil Courts stated that in accordance with Article 418 of the Haitian Criminal Code, Judge Belizaire can proceed unless a decision is rendered by the Supreme Court.  Further, in accordance with Article 5 of the Haitian Civil Code, if the former President does not present himself to the judge, he should be arrested adding that no one is above the law.

Aristide and his Fanmi Lavalas associates have never publicly denied these accusations.  Rather, they have mounted a campaign of political pressure and threatened violence and instability in an effort to make the charges just go away.    Over the years, every time the Haitian judicial system has tried to bring Aristide and his associates to justice, he has employed the exact same tactics to evade justice.  

First, to halt investigations and judicial proceedings, he intimidates and threatens various ministers of justice, attorneys general, judges, journalists and their families. Six months ago, when Judge Dabrezil summoned Aristide for questioning in relation to the killing of journalist Jean Dominique, he threatened the judge.  Last week, Judge Belizaire faced similar threats.  But, neither judge is backing down.  According to sources close to Judge Belizaire, when he started to pursue the corruption charges, Aristide thugs drove by the judge’s house firing automatic weapons in the air in an effort to intimidate him.  Later, his wife and children were also threatened.  For safety, he has had to relocate his family to the U.S. while prosecuting the case.

The second tactic used by the Aristide network is to leverage U.S. influence in Haiti  to evade justice.  He does this in many ways.  A favorite tactic is to assert that he can blackmail the Clintons and some of their associates for their alleged involvement in Haiti’s telecommunications scandal in the 1990s, and for their alleged failure to account for and effectively deploy the earthquake reconstruction funds which exceeded $8 billion.  In addition, he threatens instability on the ground through the use of violence.  And covertly, he encourages the flow of boat people to Florida.  From his 1992 - 1994 experiences in Washington, Aristide understands the U.S. system well and knows that these are the main pressure points for U.S. policy in Haiti.  And, for the most part, he gets results as pressure from Washington on the Haitian government to resolve the situation almost always follows these threats.  There are some accounts that Washington threatens to cut off aid or visas if the Haitian Government does not restore the peace.  The subtext is that the courts should be pressured to drop the charges.

To apply pressure on the U.S., Aristide employs a well-funded team of lobbyists with strong ties to the U.S. State Department and engages members of the influential Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), mainly U.S. Representative Maxine Waters.  His main lobbyists are Ira Kurzban, a Miami-based lawyer who has made millions working for Aristide; Ron Daniel, a former member of the CBC; and Robert Maguire, an American professor and Lavalas ideologue.  

Maguire is a far-left ideological professor who has used a variety of platforms and universities to promote and defend his partisan pro-Lavalas agenda and drive U.S. policy toward Haiti.  He is also very influential with the U.S. military’s Southern Command.  Maguire has opposed Hillary Clinton’s Haiti strategy during her tenure as Secretary.  He has, in fact, coordinated efforts to scare the State Department into supporting Aristide’s agenda while Aristide deploys hundreds of violent operatives to agitate on the streets threatening instability.  Current efforts are underway to finance an exodus of boat people to Miami – as Aristide did in 1994 and 2004 – which will also be used to pressure the State Department.

The final tactic is to ensure that no qualified members of the Haitian Diaspora who are opposed to the Aristide agenda make it into any sort of leadership position in country.  They gin up stories of imminent political instability and assassinate the characters of leading Diaspora figures, and then leverage the State Department to weigh in with the Haitian Government against these appointments.  Fearing any loss of commitment from the U.S., the Haitian Government usually bows to the pressure.

But it seems to be a new day in Haiti.  The old tactics are largely failing – with the exception of the U.S. scare campaign.  In Haiti, the judges are resisting pressure and any influences – foreign and domestic – that interfere with the rule of law.  Despite a well-orchestrated campaign of threats and intimidation targeted at these judges, they have managed to hold the relevant hearings and obtain the indictments. The Haitian people are also refusing to give in to the violence.  More than 97% reject violence and believe that both Mr. Aristide and Duvalier should face justice.  So the battleground is in the U.S., which remains sensitive to threats of political violence in Haiti that could lead to instability. It is therefore up to the Haitian people – as it always is – to ensure that their will is carried out and that the dictators who have created a legacy of poverty in Haiti -- that they live with day after day -- answer for what they have done. 

Saturday, February 23, 2013

JUGEMENT DUVALIER, PREVAL, ARISTIDE ET NATIONS UNIES: COMMENT ETABLIR LE REGIME DE LA LOI EN HAITI? PAR STANLEY LUCAS


    Click image to enlarge

La democratie etablit un regime de la loi ou les citoyens sont egaux devant les lois etablies d'un pays. Dans une democratie les dossiers judiciaires ne peuvent pas etre traites en fonction des contacts ideologiques ou politiques ou de la force de lobby des accuses. L'administration de la justice sans comparaison des cas doit traiter l'ensemble des citoyens de la meme facon sans parti prix. 

En Haiti le gouvernement du President Michel Martelly depuis son arrivee au timon des affaires de l'etat le 14 Mai 2011 travaille a l'etablissement d'un etat de droit. Ce qui a ete refuse aux citoyens d'Haiti depuis la ratification par le peuple et la publication de la constitution du 29 Mars 1987. Pour la premiere fois depuis vingt cinq ans l'equipe Martelly avec la contribution du parlement a installe dans ses fonctions le Conseil Superieur du Pouvoir Judiciaire (CSPJ). C'est un exemple concret des efforts en cours pour reformer la justice haitienne pour la rendre professionnelle et equitable. Mais ces efforts risquent de n'aller nul part si les lobbyistes etrangers en fonction de leur passe corrompus avec certains leaders d'Haiti continuent de solliciter une justice partisane. Depuis leur retour en Haiti les anciens Presidents Jean Claude Duvalier et Jean Betrand Aristide posent un grand defi pour le systeme judiciaire haitien voir: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/01/duvalier-returns-to-haiti-merely-pawn.html 

C'est un sujet difficile et dangeureux mais il faut l'aborder car il s'agit de l'avenir d'Haiti. Certains diront que je suis fou de poser le probleme. Haiti doit trouver des solutions institutionnelles a ses problemes. Ce n'est pas la MINUSTAH et Amnesty International avec leurs prefeences ideologiques qui aideront Haiti a etablir l'etat de droit. Leur double standard dans le traitement des dossiers judiciaires d'Haiti est une preuve incontestable. Comment voulez-vous que les Nations Unies qui ont contamine Haiti avec le cholera et cause 7000 morts et 800.000 contamines peuvent-ils parler de justice alors qu'ils refusent de reconnaitre leur cupabilite dans la propagation de l'epidemie pretextant l'immunite? Comment des lobbyistes comme Brian Concannon et ses allies peuvent parler de justice alors que ce dernier s'est enrichi et est devenu millionaire sur le dos du peuple haitien grace a la corruption bienveillante de l'ancien dicateur Jean Betrand Aristide? Quand est-ce que les 7000 morts du cholera des Nations Unies en Haiti trouveront justice? Qui remboursera Haiti les US$2.5 milliards de dollars americains necessaires que ca coutera pour nettoyer le pays du cholera des Nations Unies? Est-ce que le Dr. Paul Farmer assistant du Secretaire General des Nations Unies peut etre a la fois juge et partie sur ce dossier? Comment en toute conscience l'expert des Nations Unies en droits humains Michel Forst peut-il parler de justice et de droits humains en Haiti quand il refuse de reconnaitre l'injustice fait aux haitiens par la mission des Nations Unies en Haiti, MINUSTAH, responsable de la propagation de la bacterie cholera qui a tue 7000 de nos freres? Est-ce que les Nations Unies ne devraient apprendre des lecons de leurs experiences negatives dans le genocide du Rwanda?
        Click image to enlarge

C'est a nous haitiens de construire nos institutions. La justice influencee par des interets etrangers particuliers est dangeureuse pour Haiti. Nous ne pouvons pas continuer dans cette spirale de defense des interets indefendables de moun panou. Il faudra finalement etablir des regles de justice que tout le monde devra respecter, riches ou pauvres, chefs ou gouvernes. Cela passe par l'etablissement du regime de la loi ou de l'egalite des citoyens devant la loi. La justice ne peut pas etre et ne doit pas etre un outil ideologique ou un istrument politique partisan comme le voudrait certaines organisations internationales liees a Aristide et a Duvalier. La justice ne peut pas etre non plus un istrument de vengeance. Vengeance de ceux qui ont ete des victimes des regimes qui se sont succedes. Ce sera penible mais il faudra travailler a l'etablissement de l'etat de droit pour donner une chance a Haiti, ses enfants et sa democratie.  Depuis les debarquement a l'aeoport de l'ancien president a vie Jean Claude Duvalier et de l'ancien president Jean Betrand Aristide le debat sur le jugement de ces anciens presidents fait rage. Leurs lobbyistes Haitiens et etrangers iterferent, sabotent le processus judiciaire a travers des technicalites et font de leur mieux avec leurs influences pour bloquer le travail des juges de la republique. C'est carrement inacceptable!

Jean Claude Duvalier est accuse d'avoir commis des crimes contre des citoyens de la republique qui ont ete executes durant son regime, voir: http://www.fordi9.com/Pages/Victlist/ListA.htm Duvalier est aussi accuse d'avoir detourne plus de US$600 millions en 14 ans selon le rapport officiel de l'etat haitien ecrit par l'ancien Ministre des Finances Leslie Delatour voir: http://www.scribd.com/doc/47415168/BRH-CORRUPTION-Dossiers-Jean-Claude-Duvalier-15-janvier-1987 

Jean Betrand Aristide est accuse d'avoir commis des crimes contre de nombreux citoyens haitiens. Deux listes de citoyens executes par le regime de Jean Betrand Aristide sont disponibles. La premiere a travers une lettre du senateur Irvelt Chery qui demande aux commissaires du gouvernement de prendre les mesures necessaires pour que les victimes trouvent justice, voir: http://www.haitian-truth.org/liste-partielle-des-victimes-et-magouilles-du-lavalas/ et une autre liste plus large icluant l'ensemble des regimes lavalas: http://www.haitian-truth.org/les-assassinats-en-haiti-sous-le-regime-de-lavalas-et-de-preval/ Jean Betrand Aristide selon les rapports officiels de l'etat d'Haiti est aussi accuse d'avoir detourne plus de US$350 millions en neuf ans voir: http://www.haitipolicy.org/content/3284.htm En plus, Aristide a travers le pillage du reseau des telecommunications en Haiti a enrichi des personnalites americaines avec des connections politiques. De la compagnie de telecommunication FUSION en 1994-95 jusqu'a IDT Aristide a toujours menace ces americains de reveler ce qu'il sait s'il n'etait pas proteger. Ce chantage dure plus de quinze ans. Aristide a declare en Haiti que le succes des elections de 2015 aux Etats Unis dependait de la protection qu'il recevrait pour ne pas paraitre devant la justice haitienne ou americaine. Le dossier IDT est deja devant la justice americaine dans l'etat de la Floride. Deux journalistes des Etats Unis Mary'O'Grady du Wall Street Journal et Lucy Komisar une liberale http://www.thekomisarscoop.com/tag/haiti/ ont ecrit en details sur ce dossier de corruption. Selon les fonctionnaires haitiens ces personnalites etrangeres menacees par Aristide font de leur mieux pour faire disparaitre les dossiers les impliquant, particulierement a la Banque Nationale de la republique d'Haiti (BRH). C'est pour cette raison que l'ancien gouverneur de la BRH Venel Joseph a ete execute recemment parce qu'il allait temoigner devant un tribunal de la Floride sur ce dossier de corruption. Est-ce que ces forces font pression sur la justice haitienne pour empecher le jugement d'Aristide?

Bien qu'il n'existe pas de rapports officiels sur sa corruption le president sortant du 14 Mai 2011, Rene Preval pourrait aussi faire face a des poursuites judicaires, pour la corruption des fonds du petrocaribe, nous utilisons ce lien: http://www.haitian-truth.org/lodeur-des-dollars-de-petrocaribe/ puisque le Nouvelliste a efface sur son site l'article original genant pour l'ancien president Rene Preval http://www.lenouvelliste.com/article.php?PubID=&ArticleID=83102 L'ancien President Preval risque aussi d'etre questionne sur l'assassinat de Robert Marcelo, cliquez ici: http://www.haitian-truth.org/ou-est-passe-joseph-robert-francois-marcello-par-pierre-raymond-dumas/ puisque le nouvelliste a aussi fait disparaitre l'article suivant: http://www.lenouvelliste.com/articleforprint.php?PubID=1&ArticleID=82527  Les analystes sont d'accord qu'il sera difficile de questionner l'ancien President Preval sur les citoyens tues et brules a Lalue et sur la route de Bourdon le 7 janvier 1991 sous pretexte qu'ils etaient des macoutes

Selon le teledjol haitien Duvalier et Aristide utilisent leurs lobbyistes en Haiti et aux Etats Unis pour echapper a la justice d'Haiti. Ils essaient de beneficier de supports a l'etranger pour saboter les procedures judiciaires d'Haiti. Duvalier paie l'ancien Congressman Bob Barr, voir: http://stage.newser.com/story/110436/ex-gop-rep-helping-baby-doc-get-his-cash.html Tandis que les supporters de Jean Betrand Aristide sont le Dr. Paul Farmer et son associe Brian Concannon sont ceux identifies par des secteurs de la population haitienne et de la diaspora. Ces deux utilisent leurs positions aux Nations Unies et au sein de leur mission en Haiti, la MINUSTAH, leurs contacts politiques aux Etats Unis pour saboter les efforts de la justice Haitienne pour juger Jean Betrand Aristide. Brian Concannon a travaille longtemps avec Paul FarmerConcannon a ete pendant longtemps un lobbyiste de l'ancien President Jean Betrand Aristide qui l'a rendu millionnaire. voir: http://www.haitipolicy.org/Lobbying7.htm  Aristide compte aussi sur le support du lavalassien Robert (Bob) Maguire qui travaille au Peace Institute et son reseau d'ideologues, pour plus de details voir: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/03/truth-about-aristide-mob-boss-or.html Tandis que Rene Preval fait confiance aux hommes d'affaires haitiens qu'il a faciliter l'enrichissement durant sa presidence. 

Selon les victimes et les rapports officiels disponibles de l'etat d'Haiti ces anciens presidents Duvalier et Aristide ont causes de grands torts au pays. Je n'ai ni fabrique les victimes, ni les rapports administratifs du gouvernement Haitien sur la corruption de ces anciens presidents. Cette conversation doit etre franche. En tant que peuple nous devons garder notre calme, sans passion, avec sang froid determiner comment allons nous aborder les accusations sur les violations de droits humains et les de detournements de trois anciens presidents de la republique: Jean Claude Duvalier (1971-86). Jean Bertrand Aristide (1991-95 - 2001-04), Rene Preval (1996-2000 - 2006-11). Comment allons-nous garantir que chacun d'eux recoive un traitement equitable devant la justice tout en envoyant un message clair aux futurs presidents d'Haiti? Quel modele suivre? Celui du Perou avec la mise en accusation et l'emprisonnement de l'ancien President Alberto Fujimori? Celui des Phillippines avec le president Joseph Estrada? Du Venezuela avec Andres Perez? De la France ou le juge d'instruction a entame une procedure contre les anciens Presidents Jacques Chirac et Nicolas Sarkozy? Ou celui de la republique Dominicaine avec Joaquim Balaguer? Faudra-t-il supporter la justice? Devra-t-on discuter au nom de la reconciliation de l'autorite constitutionnelle du President de la republique de donner ou ne pas donner l'amnistie?

En abordant le dossier judiciaire de ces anciens presidents de la republique d'Haiti nous ne devons pas oublier la partie invisible de l'iceberg dont la presence aux abords du pouvoir de la presidence a ete permanente autour de ces trois decennies. Je veux dire il ne faut pas oublier les hommes du groupe de bourdon dans l'ombre qui ont tire les avantages et "assister" les trois presidents dans leur corruption. Le groupe de bourdon est un cartel economique haitien forme de 17 hommes qui controlent 90% des activites economiques d'Haiti et une grande partie des medias. Ils sont les gagnants permanents du systeme et la partie de l'iceberg que la justice n'arrive jamais a toucher. On parle de tout le monde sauf d'eux. Le groupe de bourdon est le gardien de ce systeme feodal qui maintient Haiti dans la pauvrete et le sous developpement politique. Courir seulement apres Duvalier, Aristide, Preval et les corrompus de Lavalas, Lespwa, INITE ect... sans poser la problematique et le role du groupe de bourdon dans le soutien de ces politiques feodales se lave main siye ate. Ces seigneurs feodaux du groupe de bourdon ne peuvent pas etre non plus au dessus de la loi. 

Tout accuse est innocent jusqu'a ce qu'il soit reconnu coupable. La justice Haitienne doit faire son travail et c'est la seule facon que notre pays peut commencer a construire un etat democratique. Je suis sur que chacun de ces anciens presidents maintient une base prete a crier Duvalier ou la mort, Preval ou la mort, Aristide ou la mort accompagnes des relais de leurs lobbyistes etrangers bien payes. Mais cela ne doit pas nous faire peur. Cela fait  partie du combat pour l'etablissement du regime de la loi, du combat contre les corrompus et lejusqu'auxboutistes qui empechent la democratie haitienne de fleurir et nos institutions de repondre aux besoins de notre peuple en lieu et place d'un petit groupe. Dans ce combat nous devons aussi faire attention aux organisations de droits humains qui veulent une justice sur une base ideologique, cette formule risque de garantir l'instabilite politique pour Haiti. 

La philosophie de gestion du pouvoir par le groupe de bourdon est simple et sans etat d'ame par rapport au pays et ses citoyens: le roi est mort vive le roi! Comme les musiciens de palais une fois le chef-President dechouke ou remplace par des elections ils s'empressent toujours de faciliter l'entree d'un nouveau chef qui defendra leurs interets. Depuis le 14 Mai 2011 ils sont a l'assaut du President Martelly qui jusqu'a present resiste a leur charme mortel. Nous devons nous battre democratiquement pour empecher et bloquer ce jeu macabre du groupe de bourdon dont la repetition au cours des decennies fait des victimes et detruit Haiti. Luttons pour garantir que cette pratique ne soit plus un eternel recommencement. La question centrale pouvons-nous detruire ce systeme feodal qui ensevelit notre pays au niveau economique, social et politique? Pouvons-nous trouver le leadership judiciaire ayant le courage d'affronter ce systeme? C'est ca le pari a gagner pour une Haiti democratique.

Friday, November 11, 2011

Stanley Lucas on USIP and the Haitian Defense Force


    Robert Maguire (USIP)
USIP posted a seemingly factual analysis or “Current Situation” update on Haiti.  It’s actually quite a clever post because at first reading, it appears to be straightforward and non-partisan.  But if you look a little more closely at what is not said, the slant becomes much more visible.  The post overall reads as skeptical of the Martelly Administration – but manages to get in a plug for former president Aristide by noting how he disbanded the military in Haiti.  But most troubling, this post seems to suggest that Haiti is incapable of building a modern, professional army.  It seems to suggest that the international community – and the NGOs that control many sectors of Haitian society – doubt Haiti’s ability to build up an army based on the past performance of armies under dictators.  Is this at all fair?  The Chileans did it.  The Iraqis are doing it.  The Afghanis are doing it.  The Argentineans did it.  The Filipinos did it.  The Dominicans did it.  Is Haiti less than any of these countries?

What we never see in any of the coverage on the new Haitian Defense Force are the underlying facts that led Haiti to prioritize building a modern defense force:

First, the idea of a Haitian National Defense Force comes directly from the people of Haiti.  On the campaign trail, candidate Martelly heard again and again about the need to reclaim national sovereignty and reinstate an army.  To his surprise, this was the top issue for Haitian voters.  In fact, 96% of the Haitian people want the army back.  Why was this fact omitted from this objective analysis?

Second, the UN Mission in Haiti, MINUSTAH, has been ineffectual and has lost the confidence of the Haitian people.  MINUSTAH has received more than $4 billion in funding over the past seven years.  Their track record is marked by scandal after scandal – from cholera to the brutal rape of a 19 year old man.  This demonstrates a pattern of mismanagement.  Unfortunately, the MINUSTAH has become a destabilizing force in the country.  The Haitian people are fed up and would prefer to have MINUSTAH phased out. 

Further, MINUSTAH’s mission to build a police force is insufficient to ever provide Haiti with enough resources to patrol and defend borders, fight the war on drugs and manage disasters.  Former MINUSTAH commander, General Elito, said as much in 2007.  He said that even if they trained 30,000 police officers, it would not be a sufficient force.  Why did this post only focus then on the UN’s statements about renegotiating the current agreement rather than noting – even in passing – these larger dynamics with MINUSTAH?

Third, the Haitian state was paralyzed after the earthquake.  It was unable to pick up the pieces or participate at all in rescue and recovery.  The US military had to come in to provide stability, manage ports and airports and get food to the people.  Haiti sits on three fault lines and in a hurricane path – it must build the capability to manage and cope with disasters.  This typically is a military function.  Why didn’t this post note at all the important role of a military in disaster response?

And finally – and most importantly perhaps – Haiti is a sovereign and free country.  Why wouldn’t it have its own protection forces?  Why wouldn’t Haiti have the right to defend itself?  Other nations with similar past circumstances have rebuilt their militaries.  After the fall of Augusto Pinochet in Chile, the Chileans reinstated their army.  They built a modern, professional military force after a brutal dictatorial regime and a “negative history” with their army.  The Chilean military, in fact, helped pick up the pieces after they experienced a devastating earthquake in 2010.  The military is functioning professionally and as a military is intended to function.  Is Haiti somehow less than Chile? 

In fact, it is quite common to rebuild and modernize military forces after the fall of dictatorship or civil war.  This was the policy of the US Government in Iraq and Afghanistan.  It is typically part of a military exit strategy. 

This article also fails to mention that after Aristide disbanded the military, because he felt he could not control them, he built up a network of gangs and thugs, known as chimeres, who terrorized the citizens and were involved in drug trafficking, kidnapping and politically motivated murder and violence.  So if history is the standard, the absence of a military did not work out so well for Haiti either.

What you should know about USIP is that the Haiti program is led by an ideologue close to Aristide. 

Bob Maguire is widely considered to be the brain trust behind the Operation Bagdad campaigns in Haiti that led to the murder of 2000 people, and the rape of 800 people.  It was a brutal gang-led campaign to bring terror to the people.  Dr. Maguire believed he was building a force of revolutionaries to rise up against President Boniface Alexandre and Prime Minister Latortue and reinstate his patron, Aristide.  But the gangs did not want revolution, they saw opportunity to take control of resources and the drug trade in the absence of Haiti’s drug kingpin, Aristide. 

The subtly of the posting just goes to show how carefully one must read the news.  I hope that Haitians will stay informed and know their history rather than accept these types of posts at face value. 

Wednesday, October 1, 2008

Haiti Doesn't Need These Jobs: Stanley Lucas' response to Robert Maguire

As a champion of Haiti -- and a Haitian -- I find Robert Maguire's letter to the Washington Post http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/09/11/AR2008091103224_pf.html somewhat of a waste of space and bordering on offensive. First, it seems to imply that Haiti should not progress beyond an agrarian society. Factory jobs are not the answer, but they are an important part of the answer and a step up the development ladder from agriculture. To argue against factory jobs seems to be arguing for keeping Haiti primitive. The complex problems that face Haiti require a multifaceted solution. Surely the author understands that -- so what's the point of this letter? --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Second -- and more troubling -- the author points out that President Rene Preval responded to the massive April riots against food prices by announcing agricultural investment as the key priority. The President's announcement is cited to support his argument against focusing on factory job creation. If this supports the argument, it is some rather flimsy evidence. The rising food prices are mainly attributed to monopolies in the food import business and price gouging. Many of Preval's close associates maintain food monopolies. Perhaps Preval should have focused more on cleaning up the exploitation of the food import system. -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Haiti is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere -- a fact that is noted in every Haiti-related news item. It was just devastated by four hurricanes. But Bob Maguire, considered one of the top Haiti scholars, chooses to write about something that is largely irrelevant. It's a fringe issue. So little column space goes to covering Haiti – why does he waste it on this baseless and rather insignificant observation?--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
For Haiti, Assembly Jobs Aren't the Whole Answer by Robert Maguire -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/09/11/AR2008091103224_pf.html
Friday, September 12, 2008; A14
Former senator
Mike DeWine was correct in arguing that trade can help Haiti to its feet ["What Haiti Needs," op-ed, Sept. 9], but caution must be exercised in viewing low-paying assembly plant jobs in urban settings as the key to resolving Haiti's problems.
While investment in the assembly sector in the 1980s did create jobs, it also fueled significant off-the-land migration to Haiti's burgeoning slums, especially because corresponding investment in rural Haiti, where two-thirds of Haitians barely survive as small farmers, was lacking. Few of those hopeful migrants, crammed into slums built mostly on river deltas or low-lying alluvial plains, found factory jobs. At the same time, Haiti became less able to feed itself as cheap imported food -- principally rice that is no longer cheap -- created disincentives to farm. In desperation, many rural Haitians increasingly turned to charcoal production as a means of survival, progressively denuding hillsides that now channel flood waters to swollen rivers that inundate those river deltas and alluvial plains where the poor live.
In the aftermath of massive protests in April against the high cost of living, Haitian President
René Préval identified increased agricultural production as a top priority in his country. Once the victims of recent flooding receive the care they urgently require, investment in rural Haiti -- for environmental rehabilitation and increased food production -- should finally eclipse a focus on the creation of low-wage assembly plant jobs.
ROBERT MAGUIRE
Cheverly
The writer directs Trinity Washington University's Haiti Program.