De la constitution des rêveurs á la constitution des dealers par Agronome Michel William

Il n’est un secret pour personne  que le monde moins l’Afrique et en particulier, les latino américains et les caribéens sont jaloux  de l’histoire épique  de la première république noire indépendante d’Haïti. Delà á penser que leur jalousie franchirait le Rubicon pour nous transformer  á la faveur d’une résolution du conseil de sécurité  en nation infâme incapable de réaliser des élections , incapable de se gouverner et incapable d’amender une constitution, apparaitrait tout á fait impensable aujourd’hui, au simple rappel de la proclamation de la première constitution haïtienne  de 1801..Pourtant on en est arrivé  lá avec la formation   d’une pseudo élite politique façonnée par vingt années de pouvoir lavalas fait de corruption et de  disparition des valeurs  morales. Le texte amendé de la constitution de 1987et   voté le 9 mai 2011 n’a  surpris que les naïfs dans la mesure qu’il n’est que  l’expression des dernières magouilles de Mr Edmond Mulet et de Préval pour laisser á l’international un pays pris en otage par   sa propre loi mère . Comme il faut 2/3 de la quarante neuvième pour faire passer ce torchon un nouveau deal a été  trouvé au niveau des parlementaires  qui a  fait un ensemble de gagnants politiques au détriment de l’avenir du pays Dans la logique de Mr Muller et de Préval il fallait :

-Supprimer la multitude des élections  pour éviter á l’International d’avoir á dépenser continuellement des sommes faramineuses pour réaliser des élections dont les résultats vont toujours á l’encontre  du vote populaire.

-Eliminer les ministres issus de la formation des conseils départementaux pour ne pas contrecarrer le pouvoir personnel du président

-Oter le peuple dans la désignation du conseil électoral pour continuer avec les élections sélections

-Ne pas avoir á remettre en cause l’existence de la CIRH  en reconduisant la  majorité des élus de la quarante huitième  législature qui avait votée la loi de  sa création

-Sauver la prestation des Nations Unies en Haïti en laissant un pays instable vu de l’intérieur mais apparemment stable de l’extérieur.

-Mettre a la Primature un premier ministre qui appartiendrait  á la famille des Nations Unies, qui aurait le profil de gros Gérard pour continuer la politique de l’humanitaire dans l’agriculture comme voulue par l’International avec le retour en force très probable d’anciens ministres pro-ONG proches du nouveau premier ministre á la tête du MARNDR ou de la Sante publique.

De ce travail d’amendement est sorti un projet privé de constitution qui garantit  l’exercice d’un pouvoir sans partage á des parlementaires qui ont peur  d’aller encore au peuple pour solliciter  son suffrage.

Mr Muller est parti  avec le sentiment du travail accompli après avoir liquidé l’héroïsme  et la fierté  des haïtiens relégués au rang de peuple de paria

Le Président Martelly avec seulement 3 députés pourra compter sur la nomination des casecs  des magistrats et des délégués á travers le ministre de l’Intérieur pour neutraliser  le pouvoir de l’INITE dans les deux ans á venir.

Le président Martelly ne pourra pas avoir droit á une réélection même si  Mr Clinton lui donne un coup de pouce auprès du conseil de sécurité pour changer la nature de force  de stabilisation de la MINUSTHA et pour réorganiser l’armée et la police.

Le président Préval  a mis en place au  parlement  un umbrella politique pour le protéger de poursuites judiciaires.

Les hommes  de l’INITE ont gagné en étant majoritaire au  parlement pour continuer de bénéficier des privilèges d’un pouvoir supplétif en négociant avec le bloc minoritaire une prolongation de mandat insolite inscrite dans une  loi mère  empêchant la sanction du vote populaire.

La diaspora  a eu la multiple  nationalité, comme l’ont toujours souhaitée les politiciens de l’intérieur . La diaspora politique est déçue  en se voyant obligée de renoncer á cette pluri nationalité si elle veut occuper un poste d’élu ou de ministre. La diaspora de la dernière génération riche et « endiplômée »,  qui a peur même du nom d’haïtien á cause de la mauvaise presse dont il fait l’objet sous le gouvernement de Mr Préval  s’en réjouit  car son avenir  n’est nullement en Haïti. 

Toutes ces victoires  ont un gout amer pour le peuple et la paysannerie  qui  voient dans cet amendement non seulement un deal entre coquins  mais un coup d’état parlementaire qui a réussi á  tisser dans la constitution même   un réseau de pièges qui fait du nouveau  président de la république l’otage d’un projet de conspiration conçu  pendant et après la campagne électorale. Si les constituants de 1987 sous la pression populaire ont été forcés  d’être des rêveurs de  société, les parlementaires de la quarante neuvième qui ont été élus aux prix de fraudes électorales graves et  grandi dans l’immunité et dans la corruption, sont réduits á être des dealers pour se protéger des jours sombres que le tandem Mulet-Préval a crée de toute urgence pour la nation haïtienne.

Souhaitons que  Mr Martelly n’est pas infiltré jusque dans la formation de son cabinet privé pour s’entourer d’hommes  et de femmes avertis qui l’aideront á sortir du  drap présidentiel cousu par Préval et Mulet avant leur départ. Si rien n’est fait pour annuler ce deal il y aura deux grands perdants potentiels «  Martelly et le pays.

Sur le meme sujet:

1. Plaformes Haitiennes des droits humains, cliquez ici: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/05/position-de-la-plate-forme-des.html

2. Robert Berrouet Oriol, l'amendement et le creole: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/05/lamendement-constitutionnel-de-mai-2011.html

3. Lettre ouverte au President elu M. Martelly: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/04/haiti-constitution-lettre-ouverte-au.html

4.  Misen Garde du Dr Georges Michel: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/04/haiti-mise-en-garde-solennelle-contre.html

5.  Me. Rigay Duplan, Ancien Batonnier: http://belpolitik.com/messages.php/34024

6. Stanley Lucas:  http://haitianinternet.com/messages.php/7507

7. Analyse de delcaration de revision nulle: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/04/analyse-de-la-declaration-de-revision.html

RAND Haiti Policy Report Review by Stanley Lucas

Report Summary

The RAND Corporation, a non-profit institution that helps improve policy and decision making through research and analysis, released a report entitled, “Building a More Resilient Haitian State” earlier this year.  A book version of the report can be purchased online at http://www.rand.org/pubs/monographs/MG1039/ for about $20 or can be downloaded free.  The Carnegie Corporation and the Smith Richardson Foundation funded the report.

 

The report states that Haiti's future prosperity and peace require building a more effective, resilient state.  For the past several decades Haiti’s state institutions have been riddled with weaknesses in human resources, organization, procedures, and policies.  The researchers begin by summarizing Haiti’s overall challenges and then assess key sectors, including:  Governance and Administration; Justice; Security; Economic Policy; Housing and Infrastructure; Education; Health; and Donor Cooperation and Building the Haitian State. 

 

For each sector, RAND researchers identified Haiti's main challenges, assessed current strategic plans to tackle the key issues and recommended a set of state-building priorities that are necessary, feasible, and sustainable.  Priorities include civil service reform, justice-system reform, ongoing involvement of United Nations peacekeepers, streamlined regulations for business, and improved access and quality assurance for healthcare and schools.

 

RAND singles out the primacy of Haiti’s poor governance over the past several decades as the key factor for the devastation in Haiti after the earthquake and “society's almost complete dependence on help from abroad to deal with the consequences.”  They conclude that:

 

State-building is intimately connected with politics.  Without executive decisiveness and legislative action, state-building cannot proceed.  Donors and international organizations can assist — not only by providing financial resources but also by promoting political consensus and encouraging adherence to strategic plans.

 

Report Analysis

At the outset the report misses the mark in its analysis of the tent cities as being an effective stopgap solution to the housing challenges.  Haitians are not even living in tents.  Rather, most are living under tarps in unorganized, unofficial camps.  They are facing violence, disease, lack of regular access to food and water, and eviction from landowners.  This is by no means effective and many observers have said that the tent cities do not meet international standards for disaster relief efforts.

 

The governance challenges set forth in this report are well known to the Haitian people.  Haiti – having the most significant income disparity ratio in the world – is controlled largely by a small elite (Groupe de Bourdon) that is resistant to reform and an entrenched, corrupt leadership.  Given high levels of corruption, many donors are unwilling to fund all important capacity building, which has stymied progress even further and failed to tackle the root of the problem in Haiti.  The recommendations in the governance section are well-worn territory but present a good assessment of the current strategic plans.  One of their most interesting conclusions, which is also a theme of the report, is that current plans are often overly comprehensive and fail to set forth priorities and clear timelines for implementation.  They also neglect to establish benchmarks and monitoring and evaluation (M&E) mechanisms.  This is true across all sectors and is a failing of all the strategic plans put forward to date.  In many cases, plans are so broad it allows donors to justify any program that they develop.

 

The healthcare section offers some of the most interesting ideas for how to reorganize the sector.  They advocate having the Haitian Health Ministry (MSPP) set the priorities, with international technical support, but then introducing a competitive bidding system to operate the Haitian healthcare system.  Currently donors operate a patchwork of uncoordinated programs and often operate completely outside of the Haitian government.  Although well intentioned, this dynamic ends up undermining the Haitian Health Ministry and is often not in the best interest of the long-term development of the system.  This is a particularly compelling suggestion as they recommend dividing the country and contracts into regions and having NGOs operate Haitian Government branded facilities in order to build public confidence as well.  Clearly there would be resistance to such a radical shift and to the Haitian Government asserting its authority.  The researchers recognize that some donors could chose to walk away from their programs, but in the end, operating a few large scale programs would have more impact and be more manageable than operating many smaller scale projects.

 

Interestingly, the report also singles out donors for not being as effective as they could be.  The report states that Haiti has been a focus of international donors and aid organizations as the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere and the only country to see a decline in GDP in the past 30 years.  However, all this attention has not translated into any improvement in Haiti’s circumstances.  In fact, Haiti’s social, economic and political situations have worsened.  In order to get this situation under control, the report advocates for the Haitian government to take a greater role in streamlining aid and focusing projects on priorities rather than accepting anything the aid community offers, including the small one-off projects.

 

On the flip side, the report advocates for aid organizations to subtly guide the political process in Haiti and encourage adherence to plans.  This seems somewhat incongruent with the tone of the report overall.  In several places the researchers advocate that the Haitian government should be stronger in asserting its leadership and providing direction to the aid organizations.  It recognizes that the Government may need technical assistance in developing priorities, but that there should be more consideration to what is best for building the Haitian state rather than what is in the best interest of the NGOs.  In fact, they note that many NGOs compete with each other for funding and primacy on issues.  It is not the role of the NGO community to subtly guide the political process or promote political consensus.  To do so may contribute to the perception that aid organizations are trying to build winners and losers.  We agree that NGOs and donors should focus more on capacity building more in line with the Nine Principles of Development and Reconstruction issued by the USAID.

 

One other aspect of the rebuilding process that would have been useful to delve into was to help build up a national watchdog function to monitor the Haitian Government and donor community by tracking dollars and impact and publicizing the results.  A key lesson from the tsunami recovery in Aceh was that donor confidence was bolstered by financial accountability.  A small Haitian watchdog group has tried to monitor funds but was undermined by the UN, which said they would provide that function.  While it is of course fine for the UN to provide a watchdog function, they missed an important opportunity to build a more resilient state by providing technical and financial assistance to building capacity in-country.  Haiti has been plagued by corruption for decades and has landed at the top of Transparency International’s list for the past several years as being one of the most corrupt countries in the world.  Surely a civil society watchdog function would go a long way toward building resiliency in the Haitian state.

Overall the report is a very useful overview of the various plans out there to tackle Haiti’s problems and provides a very valuable contribution in noting the main shortfall with those plans (namely the lack of timelines and priorities). 

HAITI 15 OCTOBRE 2010 SEIZIEME ANNIVERSAIRE DE L'OCCUPATION: LES HOMMES DE L'OCCUPANT par Stanley Lucas

Photo de Jean Bertrand Aristide a la Maison Blanche quand il demandait officiellement l'occupation d'Haiti en 1994.

 

De la demande officielle d'embargo a la communaute internationale en 1992, en passant par la demande officielle d'intervention militaire en Haiti en 1994 ou encore l'invitation officielle des troupes militaires de l'Afrique du Sud le 1 Janvier 2004 aux Gonaives, voir: http://metropolehaiti.com/metropole/archive.php?action=full&keyword=mbeki+aux+gonaives&sid=0&critere=0&id=7742&p=1 et sa derniere demande officielle pour l'envoi de 3000 soldats en Haiti en Fevrier 2004, l'ancien Jean Bertrand Aristide a viole la constitution de 1987 et trahi sa patrie. Les demandes d'interventions militaires sollicitees officiellement par un President de la republique d'Haiti sont comdamnees par la constitution de notre pays qui considerent ces actions comme un acte de haute trahison. 

Le Mercredi 6 Octobre 2010 Yvon Neptune l'ancien Premier Ministre de Jean Bertrand Aristide nous apprend que la these de kidnapping de 2010 a ete un mensonge fabrique par Aristide et que ce dernier a remis officiellement sa demission. voir: http://radiokiskeya.com/spip.php?article7105 C'est un peu ca le profil de l'ancien president. Il n'assume jamais les consequences de ses decisions et se cache toujours derriere des mensonges.

C’est un peu la meme approche apres sa demande officielle d'occupation d'Haiti par les Etats Unis en Septembre 1994. Il demanda officiellement l'occupation de son pays et plus tard va essayer de s'en demarquer apres "son ti dezod". Voir le video d'Aristide remerciant au Pentagon le Ministre americain de la Defense William Perry et le General Shalikasvili, cliquez ici: http://www.c-spanvideo.org/program/60373-1 Jean Bertrand Aristide le demandeur officielle de l'occupation militaire du 15 Octobre 1994 sera-t-il encore silencieux le 15 Octobre 2010 ou demandera-t-il pardon a la nation? Il y a seize ans Aristide sollicitait officiellement de la Maison Blanche et du Pentagon une intervention militaire en Haiti pour le restaurer au pouvoir en Haiti.

C'est Jean Bertrand Aristide qui introduira les soldats de l'ONU en Haiti, il remplacera les militaires americains par les militaires des Nations Unies en 1995, a l'epoque la mission portait le nom de MINUHA en lieu et place de MINUSTAH.   De 1994 a 2004 Aristide a sollicite officiellement douze demandes d'occupations. En 2006 Rene Preval, Jacques Edouard Alexis continueront cette politique de renouvellement de l'occupation. En place depuis 2006 ces responsables de l'etat n'ont jamais presente a la nation le plan de reconquete de la souverainete nationale d'Haiti a travers le renforcement et la reconstruction de nos institutions de securite. La mise en place d'une strategie de securite nationale ne fait pas partie de leur priorites. Apres Lavalas, Lespwa, le CPP, l'INITE et Louvri Barye preferent l'occupation. 

 

Aristide, en prenant la decision de faire envahir Haiti en Septembre 1994, par des militaires etrangers n'avait consulte que les conseillers proches qui etaient avec lui aux Etats Unis. Dans sa campagne de sollicitation officielle de l'occupation de la republique d'Haiti, Aristide mit categoriquement de cote les senateurs et deputes la 45e legislature et les forces politiques du pays . Il mit aussi de cote ses allies politiques en Haiti opposes a sa demande d'occupation. 

A l'epoque Gerard Pierre Charles de l'Organisation du Peuple en Lutte (OPL), Jean Marie Vincent et d'autres membres du mouvement lavalas qui constituaient le front interne contre le coup d'etat militaire etaient contre l'intervention militaire etrangere.  Les membres du front interne lavalas de resistance combattant le coup d'etat pensaient pouvoir reinstaller l'ordre democratique en Haiti sans occupation militaire etrangere. Aristide voulant l'intervention militaire des etrangers pour revenir au pouvoir etait en conflit avec ce groupe de lavalassiens de l'interieur oppose a l'occupation. Cette difference causa l'assassinat de Jean Marie Vincent selon les analystes qui attribuerent le meurtre a Aristide.  

Aristide, vivant a Washington a l'epoque, accelera sa demande officielle d'occupation sur deux fronts: Etats Unis et Nations Unies.   Au quartier general des Nations Unies a New York, Fritz Longchamp l'ambassadeur d'Haiti aupres de cette organisation selon les instructions d'Aristide travaillait a mettre en place un cadre pour faciliter l'intervention des militaires etrangers en Haiti. Aristide lui intima l'ordre de mener une campagne aupres des membres du Conseil de Securite pour l'application du chapitre sept des Nations Unies facilitant ce genre d'intervention militaire. 

Pendant que Longchamp menait sa campagne apres des ambassadeurs de la communaute internationale a New York, Aristide telphonait directement les grandes capitales pour demander aux leaders de ces pays leur soutien au Conseil de Securite des Nations Unies. Fritz Longchamp depuis 2006 est le Secretaire General du Palais National et conseiller special du president Rene Preval.   

Aux Etats Unis avec le support de l'americain noir Randall Robinson, Aristide organisa une greve de la faim devant la Maison Blanche pour pressurer le president Clinton. En appui a la greve de Robinson Aristide fera distribuer de l'argent en Haiti pour construire des bateaux charges de debarquer des boat people sur les plages de la Floride et forcer la main de Bill Clinton qui resistait l'intervention militaire http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9900EFDD1E3BF930A35755C0A962958260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=print .  

Cette politique de boat people preparee et financee par Aristide depuis Washington etait coordonnee en Haiti par le maire de Delmas de l'epoque, Patrick Norzeus, qui avait les fonds d'Aristide en main. Grace a cette operation Aristide debarqua 30.000 refugies en une semaine sur les plages de la Floride. A New York a l'epoque je regardais sur ma television, CNN, les images dramatiques de mes freres Haitiens perissant en haute mer, resultat de la manipulation politique d'un homme fou de pouvoir.   L'Ambassade d'Haiti a Washington en 1993-94 payait des journalistes pour publier des articles prepares par Aristide dans la presse americiane. A cause de cette campagne bien orchestree Aristide obtint ce qu'il voulait, l'intervention militaire americaine en Haiti en Septembre 1994. Aristide debarqua a Port-au-Prince le 15 Octobre 1994 dans un avion americain, puis fut deverse au palais national par un helicoptere de la marine americaine. Aristide etait fier de sa performance, il racontait a ses conseillers proches comment il a roule Bill Clinton. 

Sachant qu'il avait viole la constitution en sollicitant et provoquant cette intervention militaire, Aristide declara plus tard dans un discours a la population que "li fe yon ti dezod". C'etait la premiere demande d'occupation de Jean Bertrand Aristide. Aristide remplacera plus tard les militaires americains par des militaires des Nations Unies. Par la suite Aristide et Preval feront onze demandes d'occupation de 1994 a 2010.  

Randall Robinson fut recompense par Aristide a travers les millions que recevra plus tard sa femme Hazel Robinson de l'etat Haitien a travers des contrats de lobbyistes. Pour les details cliquez ici: http://www.haitipolicy.org/Lobbying7.htm  Le livre de Robinson servira aussi pour la realisation d'un film sur l'histoire d'Haiti paye par Chavez,US$ 30 millions.

 

Depuis honteux et maltraites par des historiens Haitiens pour ses choix d'occupations Aristide utilise des faux noms sur l'internet et quelques proches a son service sur l'internet, l'un deux, Joel Leon, pour promouvoir une propagande qui vise a changer l'histoire des demandes officielles d'occupations d'Haiti.   

Aristide sera-t-il silencieux ce 15 Octobre 2010? Je suis certain qu'il le restera encore cette annee surtout apres ses efforts de faire integrer il y a deux semaines 800 soldats Dominicains dans la MINUSTAH. En effet a travers un criminel Dominicain en prison Luis Renta lie au gouvernement Dominicain via un scandale des banques Banninter et Intercontinental Aristide a essaye, dans le cadre de son agenda personnel, encore une fois de faire violer le sol national par des soldats et policiers dominicains. Face a la reaction nationale contre un projet pareil, les Dominicains dans l'application de leur politique hegemonique ont du faire marche arriere.   

Concernant la demande d'occupation de 1994 les journalistes Haitiens cette annee devront demander a Titid , l'homme des occupants, pourquoi ne pouvait-il pas avoir le comportement du president  Manuel Zelaya du Honduras qui est rentre chez lui sans solliciter un soldat etranger apres le coup d'etat contre lui? Il faudra aussi demander a Rene Preval et aux hommes de l'INITE au pouvoir depuis 2006 pouquoi Haiti comme l'Irak n'a-t-elle pas son plan de reconquete de la souverainete nationale pour le retrait progressif des troupes etrangeres?  

Pour les etudiants qui choississent ce theme pour leur these, un petit rappel des demandes recentes et officielles d'occupations en Haiti.  

Il y a eu beaucoup de debats autour de l'idee de "l'occupation etrangere" en Haiti. les Haitiens, bien sur, sont opposes a cette idee.  Quelques leaders Haitiens au pouvoir pour leur capital politique ont essaye de manipuler les faits pour ne pas assumer la responsabilite d'avoir demande officiellement l'intervention militaire des etrangers en Haiti. Les faits sont que de 1990 a nos jours quatrorze missions etrangeres de formes variees ont ete deployer en Haiti, a chaque fois, a partir d'une requete officielle du Gouvernement Haitien en fonction. Les documents officiels sont disponibles pour prouver que ces requetes ont effectivement ete faites. Voici la liste:  

Assistance technique des Nations Unies sollicitee par le president Ertha Pascale Trouillot en 1989  pour supporter  l'organisation des elections elections de 1990

Demande de l'imposition d'un embargo economique des Nations Unies sur Haiti sollicitee par le president Jean Bertrand Aristide en 1991  

Demande de l'envoi d'une mission des Nations Unies,MICIVIH, en Haiti sollicitee par le president Jean Bertrand Aristide Fevrier 1993 a Mai 1998  

Demande d'intervention militaire des Etats Unis en Haiti sollicitee par le president Jean Bertrand Aristide en Septembre 1994  

Requete d'une mission militaire des Nations Unies,UNMIH, en Haiti sollicitee par le president Jean Bertrand Aristide Septembre 1993 qui a termine sa mission en Juin 1996  

Requete d'une mission militaire des Nations Unies en Haiti, UNSMIH, sollicitee par le president Rene PrevalJuillet 1996 a Juillet  1997  

Requete d'une mission militaire des nations Unies en Haiti,UNSMIH, sollicitee par le president Rene PrevalUNTMIH Aout 1997 a Novembre 1997  

Requete d'une mission militaire des Nations Unies en Haiti,UNSMIH, sollicitee par le president Rene PrevalMIPONUH Decembre 1997 a Mars 2000  

Requete d'une mission militaire des Nations Unies en Haiti,UNSMIH, sollicitee par le president Rene PrevalMICAH, Mars 2000 a Fevrier. 2001  

Requete d'intervention d'Aristide a l'administration Clinton, les huit points, sollicitee par Jean Bertrand Novembre 2000  

Requete d'une mission militaire des Etats Unis en Haiti sollicitee par le president Jean-Bertrand Aristide  Janvier 2004  

Requete d'une mission militaire des Nations Unies en Haiti sollicitee par le president Jean Bertrand Aristide Janvier 2004 MINUSTAH April 2004 a nos jours ;  

Aristide a aussi sollicite l'intervention de l'OEA 2000 a 2007 , toujours en Haiti  

Aristide a sollicite l'intervention de la CARICOM 2001 a 2004

Aristide, Bay Kou bliye pote mak sonje!

Weekly Haiti Electoral Update #5 by Stanley Lucas

Earthquake victims surprised by tropical storm…5 dead 57 injured

The week of September 20 has been horrible for the 1.7 million victims of the earthquake that are still living under tarps in the 1,370 makeshift tent camps. Rain and wind deluged Haiti this week causing chaos and panic for people across the island (see: http://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/09/25/haiti.storm/  ). Earth reports indicate that five people died and 57 were injured while hundreds have lost their “tents” (see: http://www.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article10036 ).  

 

Framework of international aid to Haiti continues to be a challenge

There is no shortage of aid money for the Haitian earthquake victims, but there is a shortage of results and impact.  Americans donated about $1.2 billion (see: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/07/haiti-six-mois-apres-quid-des-11_04.html ) and the United States government allocated $2.9 billion (see: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R41232.pdf  ) for a total of $4 billion from the US alone.  Additionally, billionaire philanthropists donated an undisclosed amount of money for Haiti to the Clinton Foundation.  

 

Internationally, the World Bank pledged $500 million (see: http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/NEWS/0,,contentMDK:22664745~pagePK:64257043~piPK:437376~theSitePK:4607,00.html and http://www.tv5.org/TV5Site/info/communiques-de-presse-article.php?NPID=FR227082  ).  The Inter American Development Bank provided $2.2 billion to Haiti (see: http://www.iadb.org/en/countries/haiti/hope-for-haiti,1001.html ). 

 

The question asked by all Haitians is: where is all this money going since the Haitian people are only getting only seeing table scraps right now?  The first analysis shows that the money donated or borrowed in Haiti’s name is contributing to strengthen the capacity of NGOs, foreign foundations and international contractors.  The way these funds have being spent in Haiti is ad hoc and short term at best.  Foreign actors are not developing programs that contribute to Haiti’s institutional capacity and the transfer of human capacity and knowledge.  Haitian government institutions are getting less than one cent on each dollar donated, and the Haitian private sector, civil society and the Diaspora have been almost totally excluded from receiving a piece of the donations.  International foundations, NGOs and contractors are doing their “own thing” without any coordination or view to the long term rebuilding of the country.  This is shaping up to be a boon for foreign actors and yet another bust for Haitians.  This is not what President Obama promised Haiti when he said that he wanted to create a partnership between the United States and Haiti.

 

CEP continues mismanagement and execution of electoral coup

After lobbying Washington, the CEP President Gaillot Dorsainvil went to Venezuela to observe and learn how to manage the November 28 elections in Haiti.  Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez is a key ally of President Preval and has instituted a dictatorship in Venezuela controlling the media and the billions of dollars in oil revenue.  

 

Meanwhile several issues continue to raise concerns among the political parties and various sectors of civil society.  There is a strong belief throughout Haiti that the CEP is purposely creating disorder and chaos to facilitate the finalization of what everyone is calling an electoral coup (see: http://lenouvelliste.com/article.php?PubID=1&ArticleID=83828&PubDate=2010-09-22  ).  Despite the assurances provided by the number one CEP supporter, UN Haiti Chief, Edmond  Mulet, all Haitians are in agreement that this is not going to be an election.  Rather, this election will be hijacked in order to keep in place Preval and his cronies.  New developments this week include:

 

First, the CEP is trying to staff the polling stations.  They want to hire 30,000 people for this operation. The procedures for hiring these people are not clear (see: http://www.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article10022 ).  Many questions remain unanswered: Will the partisan BEDs and BECs that are playing a key role in this process favor Preval’s party in the hiring?  Will they have time to train these people about the contents of the electoral law and how to manage a polling station?

 

Second, access to electoral cards required by the electoral law continues to be a challenge.  Citizens that lost their cards in January 12 and the new voters are having difficulties retrieving their cards.  For example, in the South East Department, 235,702 have not been able to retrieve their cards despite showing up with the proper identification.  The National Office of Identification (ONI) in that region can only provide 50-60 cards per day.  On this issue there is a big gap between what the CEP and the OAS are saying and reality (see: http://lenouvelliste.com/article.php?PubID=1&ArticleID=83820&PubDate=2010-09-21 ).

 

Third, the CEP is working on the ballots.  However, 34 % of the candidates for president and congress have been linked to drug trafficking, corruption and kidnapping by human rights groups If they are already working on the ballot, it seems they have already dismissed this allegation without investigation or response to serious critics. (see: http://lenouvelliste.com/article.php?PubID=1&ArticleID=83815&PubDate=2010-09-22 ).

 

US and Canada release partial funds for elections

This week, the United States provided $5 million and Canada provided $5 million Canadian for Haiti’s elections (see: http://metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_une_fr.php?id=18263  ). Haitians are disappointed that Senator Richard Lugar’s call for reform of the partisan CEP has been ignored.

 

Preval and Chavez strike a deal to raid the fuel to support INITE candidates

The Haitian government and President Chavez reached an agreement that $103 million will be used to the elections from the joint Venezuela-Petrocaribe fund that provides Haiti with low cost fuel.  Of those funds, $7 million will go to the management and organization of the elections, and the remaining $96 million will go to Preval’s INITE candidates (see: http://www.lenouvelliste.com/article.php?PubID=1&ArticleID=83102  ).  Therefore, the INITE candidates will be well funded by state funds, drug cartels and the corrupt Groupe de Bourdon business cartel.  As an aside, 78% of the drugs trafficked through Haiti come from Venezuela. 

 

Political parties make bold moves

This week the Louvri Barye (Open the Door) party abandoned the INITE coalition.  Originally the beneficiary of Preval’s electoral coup was former Prime Minister Jacques Edouard Alexis fired in 2008 for corruption and incompetence.  The division that emerged within INITE has provoked a realignment of allegiances.  There is infighting among seven candidates:  Jude Celestin, Preval’s hand picked successor; Jacques Edouard Alexis, recently pushed aside at the last minute by Preval; Leslie Voltaire, former Minister of Haitian Living Abroad; Yvon Neptune, Aristide’s former prime minister; Yves Christallin, former Minister of Social Affairs; Jean Henry Ceant a prominent lawyer and public notary that met recently with Jean Claude Duvalier and Jean Bertrand Aristide; and, Gerard Blot, an independent candidate from the December 16 platform.  Preval replaced the Minister of Social Affairs, Christallin, with Gerard Germain, a man close to his hand picked successor Celestin and did the same with the Presidential Representatives around the country.  

 

These moves have weakened Alexis who seems to have now sought support from the pro-Cuban National Popular Party (PPN).  By embracing Cuba, Alexis has signaled a move toward the extreme anti-American left that worries many Haitians. This organization has always promoted ways to seek power outside the Haitian constitution (see: http://www.haitilibre.com/article-1269-haiti-politique-le-mpn-apporte-son-soutien-a-jacques-edouard-alexis.html ).

 

Two other coalitions have changed their tactics to combat Preval’s electoral coup. COREH, a coalition of former parliamentarians, has decided to join the electoral process to fight the coup from within.  The Platform of Haitian Patriots (PLAH) coalition has decided to do the same.

 

MINUSTAH tries to cover up a murder in their camp; judge issues subpoenas

After a young Haitian, Gerald Gilles, 16 was “executed” in the MINUSTAH camp in the North Department, there was a widespread perception was that MINUSTAH personnel covered it up by trying to make it look like a suicide.  Since then, the relationship between the Mission and that Department is deteriorating fast with the rest of country watching the situation and becoming more concerned with the role of the UN in Haiti.  Last week, we noted that Mulet requested that the Ministers of Justice and Foreign Affairs grant the Mission immunity from investigation of this crime.  His letter was released this week (see my updated report from last week with the letter attached:  http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/09/weekly-haiti-electoral-update-4-by.html ).  Despite the silence of the government, the judge in charge of presiding over the case has subpoenaed the parties involved (see: http://metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_une_fr.php?id=18276 ).

 

Government under fire

This week the Minister of Youth and Sports Evans Lescouflair has been accused of raping a 16 year old boy, raping 30 year old Williot Dort at gunpoint and molesting that man’s 17 year old nephew.  This news shocked and outraged the nation this week when one of the victims recounted the crime on a Haitian radio station (see: http://radiovision2000haiti.net/home/?p=5315#more-5315  ).  According to three Haitian senators, Evaliere Beauplan, Youri Latortue and Edmonde Beauzile, the Attorney General acted on formal complaints filed by the victims by requesting the President Preval allow the cases to proceed against the minister, who otherwise would have immunity due to his government status.  Lescouflair is one of Preval’s closest allies so he has ignored the Attorney General’s formal requests dated August 6.  The Minister says this is part of his political opponents plot to unseat him and has refused to speak with Haitian press (see: http://radiokiskeya.com/spip.php?article7081 ).  Meanwhile the Commissaire du Gouvernement has gathered medical evidence and testimonies on the issue.  Since the radio testimony of one of the victims, other victims have now come forward over the radio to state that they were also brutally and sexually abused by this minister.

 

This situation unfolded while Preval was in New York at the General Assembly of the United Nations in New York this week.  Preval again earned low marks amongst Haitians for a speech they thought was a missed opportunity to address their continued suffering.

 

Simmering tensions lead to murder of a policeman and burning police headquarters

In the South East, a police officer was accused of abusing his power when he shot a young Haitian three times.  The young Haitian died and people throughout the region revolted killing the officer, Guilloteau Hubert, and burning down the police headquarters (see: http://metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_une_fr.php?id=18277 ).  This situation is emblematic of the fragile and perilous situation simmering throughout the country.  The smallest perceived impropriety by the government can provoke such a strong reaction.  People are fed up with government corruption and trust is very low.  Unless the government moves to institute some accountability and demonstrate that they are addressing the needs of the people, these types of small incidents can end up galvanizing the public into organizing their own coup.

 

Also this week, the murder of the popular young Haitian businessman Gary Sajous has raised questions about the further deterioration of the security environment in Haiti.  There seems to be an emerging armed civilian contingent loyal to INITE.

 

Four candidates show up for the first President debate

On Saturday, September 18, 2010, the Haiti Aid Watchdog (HAW) held Haiti’s first 2010 Presidential Debate.  Of the 19 presidential candidates, four took part in the first event:  Jean Hector Anacacis, Pastor Jean Chavannes Jeune, Gerard Blot, and Wilson Jeudy.  In a post-debate survey, 31% of the attendees believed that Senator Anaccacis had a good understanding of governance issues, while 23% thought Wilson Jeudy and Pastor Louis Jeune somewhat understood these issues.  Only 14% thought Dr. Blot had a good notion of governance, and 4% of the participants believed none of the candidates understood what governance is about. 

 When asked “which candidate has articulated his vision clearly”, 31% said Wilson Jeudy, 30% voted for Pastor Jeune’s, 20% were for Anacasis, and 14% for Dr.Blot (5% did not respond). Most of the questions to the candidates were focused on governance issues.

 

This week’s polling results

Jean Henry Ceant:                         50%

Michel Martelly:                         16%

Charles Henry Baker:             16%

Mirlande Manigat:                         8%

Jacques Edouard Alexis:             2%

 

*  Candidates that received 2-4 votes:  Jude Celestin, Leslie Voltaire, Chavannes Jeune, Leon Jeune, Axan Abellard, Eric Charles, Genard Joseph, Garaudy Laguerre, Yvon Neptune, Yves Christallin, Josette Bijou

*  Wilson Jeudy, Jean Hector Anacacis , Gerard Blot received no votes

For more details see: www.solutionshaiti.blogspot.com

 

Conclusion

It is astounding that with Haiti in these circumstances with two months to go before perhaps the most meaningful elections in decades that no one in the international community has expressed any sort of skepticism or concern about the upcoming electoral coup.  Haitians in Haiti and abroad must redouble efforts to ensure that foreign governments providing funding to the elections understand the full scope of the situation on the ground and encourage them to withhold funds until changes are made to address the serious issues.  People are facing a tough hurricane and tropical storm season and things are likely going to get worse before the get better.  Tensions are running high and patience is running thin.

 

For more information, please, contact:

Stanley Lucas

Washington Democracy Project

centurionlucas@gmail.com

(202) 256-6026

 

Weekly Haiti Electoral Update # 3 by Stanley Lucas

Eight Months – Still under Rubble

Haiti continues to struggle after the January 12 earthquake. Sunday will mark eight months since that tragic day, and, unfortunately, will mark little progress on the reconstruction front.  Only 2% of the rubble has been removed.  Port-au-Prince has an estimated 28 million cubic meters of debris.  Worse, more than 2 million people are living in 1,370 makeshift camps with no estimate of when they might receive more permanent housing.  Most of the aid organizations on the ground – while very good in intention – are inefficient with little coordination among the organizations and almost no accountability for spending the money.  There have also been reports that some programs are being used to meet the political goals of the Preval Administration.  This is in that context that we released last week electoral update, see: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/09/weekly-haiti-electoral-update-by.html      

 

Growing Discontent with the CEP

This week the CEP representative of the Catholic Church, Enel Desir, resigned leaving eight members of the contested CEP in office.  The constitutionality, legality and partiality of the CEP continue to be challenged.  Of the eight remaining members representing various sectors of society only one has legal status.  Article 289 of the constitution stipulates that, “Awaiting the establishment of the Permanent Electoral Council provided for in this Constitution, the National Council of Government shall set up a Provisional Electoral Council of nine (9) members, charged with drawing up and enforcing the Electoral Law to govern the next elections, who shall be designated as follows:

 

1.     One selected by the Executive Branch, who is not an official;

2.     One from the Episcopal Conference;

3.     One from the Advisory Council;

4.     One from the Supreme Court;

5.     One from an agency defending human rights, who may not be a candidate in the elections;

6.     One from the Council of the University;

7.     One from the Journalist’s Association;

8.     One from the Protestant religion; and

9.     One from the National Council of Cooperatives.”

 

Only one of the current members represents one of these sectors.  Preval appointed the others from sectors, such as voodoo and women’s organizations, that are not stipulated in the constitution.

 

1.     Ginette Chérubin was delegated to the CEP by a woman’s organization, Fanm Yo La, headed by Madame Lassegue the current Minister of Culture. Madame Cherubin is also a former Minister of Women’s Affairs under Preval.  While it is of course important to have women well represented on the CEP, women’s organizations are not one of the nine sectors.

 

2.     Laurette Croyance is a close ally of Preval and was picked by the Anglican Church, which of course is not one of the nine sectors.

 

3.     Leonel Raphaël was supposedly picked by the Protestant Federation; however, a network of Protestant members of the Federation has demanded his recall because of the immoral management of the elections by the CEP (see: http://lenouvelliste.com/article.php?PubID=1&ArticleID=83303&PubDate=2010-09-07). 

 

4.     Jacques Belzin was designated by a union, Confédération des Travailleurs Haïtiens (CTH).  Prior to his appointment, Belzin worked as an advisor to Preval traveling with him on all his overseas delegations.  Unions are not one of the nine sectors.

 

5.     Gaillot Dorsainvil was selected by the Centre d’Education Spéciale (CES), which is a member of MORENO, one of Preval’s political organizations.  Gaillot is a close associate of Preval.  This is not one of the nine sectors.

 

6.     Anthenor Guerrier represents the voodoo community.  This is not one of the nine sectors. 

 

7.     Ribel Pierre represents the National Council of Political Parties.  This is not one of the nine sectors.

 

8.     Jean Theleve Pierre Toussaint is a friend of Preval nominated by the Minister of the Interior, Paul Antoin Bien Aime, on behalf of the Federation of Locally Elected Officials (CASECs), which is affiliated with the Ministry.  This is not one of the sectors and furthermore he represents a quasi-governmental agency.

 

Meanwhile all the managers of the Departmental Electoral Bureaus (BEDs) and Municipal Bureaus (BECs) that were recruited on the basis of interviews and exams have been fired and replaced by partisan elements of Preval’s INITE Party.

 

In the court of public opinion, 8% believe that the elections will be free and fair and 92% believe that Preval will conduct an electoral coup.  When asked what should be done to stop the coup, 53% believe civil disobedience should be the course of action while 46% believe that the international community should freeze the funds for elections until the appropriate reforms in the CEP take place.  Protest against the CEP is growing, people went after one member of the Council, Ginette Cherubin the South (see: http://radiokiskeya.com/spip.php?breve2262) and the Haitian Protestant Federation Network have asked the Protestant Federation to recall their representative for the “immoral management of the elections” (see: http://lenouvelliste.com/article.php?PubID=1&ArticleID=83303&PubDate=2010-09-07 ).

 

Voter Lists Cannot Be Updated in Time for the Elections

Access to the registration offices to obtain an electoral card remains a huge challenge.  Furthermore, the spokesperson of the National Office of Identification (ONI) stated this week that prior to the elections it would not be possible for the CEP to update the registration list to account for the 300,000 people who lost their lives in the earthquake.  Not cleaning the list will certainly result in massive electoral fraud.  

 

Electoral Identification Confusion

Adding fuel to the fire are conflicting reports on electoral card issuance coming out of the ONI.  On the one hand, Jean Francois claimed that the institution has distributed 48,000 electoral cards but then later revised the number to 800,000.  Between 2007 and 2010, the institution said it had identified 928,000 new voters.  On top of that, nearly 45% of the registered voters lost their electoral cards in the earthquake.  When asked how they intend to reach out to the 2 million potential voters and displaced persons to ensure that every single voter can reapply for their electoral cards, the office said that the OAS was going to do a civic education campaign and offered no details.

 

Security Concerns Escalate

Security continues to be an issue with violence up 33%.  A senior member of the United Nations stated they were greatly concerned about the security situation in light of the huge amount of illegal arms circulating around the country.  A senior Brazilian diplomat added that looking at the conditions in-country, elections will not take place in November.

 

This week, the Haitian police captured a major gang leader, responsible for the kidnapping and killing dozens of Haitian, while he was visiting the Ministry of Finance.  This again raises questions about the link between the government and the gangs (see http://radiokiskeya.com/spip.php?article7018).  Since 2006 Preval’s security advisor, Jean Phillippe Jean Baptiste alias Samba Boukman, has been under fire for being a gang leader and head of Operation Bagdad (see http://www.rnddh.org/article.php3?id_article=300) while serving as the head of the Disarmament Commission (CNDDR).  The Commission is supposed to collect arms from the gang leaders to get them off the streets.  In practice, they are collecting arms to distribute them to their own gangs (see http://lenouvelliste.com/article.php?PubID=&ArticleID=76321).  The police are doing their best, but are constantly undermined by criminal elements in the governments.

 

Criminal elements linked to former President Aristide continue to pose a threat to the elections through their ongoing involvement in kidnapping and drug trafficking.  The CEP has allowed many human rights violators, people involved in corruption and drug trafficking to run for the presidency, Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. These candidates are part of a heavily armed civilian network of the government – and of Aristide – that will use violence and intimidation in the run up to the elections.  Because of their political connections, the police will be very timid toward them.

Political Parties to Hold Political Strategy Meeting

Political parties continue to call for a new independent and non-partisan electoral council to manage the elections. They are organizing a political summit next week to decide a unified course of action.  The majority of them seem to tilt toward a civil disobedience campaign, while some would prefer that international funding for the elections be frozen until the CEP is changed.  So far, the Canadian government has not provided the funds that they promised for the elections yet.  

 

Preval and Aristide’s coalitions have splintered into many groups.  Many presidential candidates from that old coalition are distancing themselves from both men.  Preval’s corruption and mismanagement of the country since 2006 and especially after January 12 earthquake has plunged his job approval rate into the single digits eroding his political support.  There is renewed outrage with Aristide’s corruption as Haitians are reminded of the fact that Haiti’s General Accounting Offices established that he stole $350 million from the state coffers (see official reports on Aristide’s corruption:

1. http://www.radiokiskeya.com/RapportUCREF.pdf

2. http://www.haitipolicy.org/cont).

 

Among the 19 candidates, at least five are from the former Preval-Aristide coalition. They include: Jacques Edouard Alexis, a former prime minister fired for corruption and incompetence by the Haitian Senate in April 2008; Leslie Voltaire, former Minister of Haitians Living Abroad; Preval and Aristide advisor, Yves Christallin, Preval’s Minister of Social Affairs; Yvon Neptune, former Prime Minister under Aristide and close ally of Preval; Jean Henry Ceant, an Aristide lawyer and, Preval’s handpicked successor, Jude Celestin.  Preval had initiated a series of meetings characterized as “briefings” for the presidential candidates.  Most of the candidates have declined the invitation, and the one that did meet with him released a statement denouncing his management of the country and the partisanship of the CEP (see http://radiokiskeya.com/spip.php?article7034).

 

Civil Society Criticizes the Silence of the UN and the OAS

The major organizations of civil society came out this week against all the irregularities and technical failures of the electoral process and the partisanship of the CEP.  They have also focused their criticism on the poor performance of OAS Secretary General Miguel Insulza for acting in violation of the institution’s Democratic Charter that requires free and fair elections for the transfer of power.  They cannot fathom why the OAS is silent on Preval’s obvious attempts at an electoral coup.  The organizations also went after Colin Granderson, the head of the OAS electoral observation mission, which they perceive as partisan (see http://radiokiskeya.com/spip.php?article7019).  The organization has been criticized for providing technical assistance to the CEP to organize the elections while simultaneously observing and evaluating the process (see

1. http://metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_une_fr.php?id=18227

2. http://metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_une_fr.php?id=18167).

 

Haitians believe that the OAS is acting as both judge and jury.  The organization has not addressed any of the criticisms and tried to meet privately with the actors who responded that until the OAS starts issuing reports on each step of the process, they are wasting money and will not be taken seriously.

 

Using International Aid to Campaign

It is becoming increasingly clear that the government is using humanitarian aid to support its candidates. The “cash for work” program has been under fire this week because Rene Momplaisir, a gang leader advising Preval, has been distributing favors with aid money in the first, second, third districts in Port-au-Prince as well in Croix des Bouquets, Leogane, Grand Goave and La Gonave.  Several NGOs and aid organizations close to the government have been implicated.

 

Exclusion of the Diaspora

All presidential candidates from the Diaspora community have been excluded from the process, and it seems that the four million Haitians living in 20 countries will not have representation and will not be able to vote.  That has created a growing anger within the Diaspora community particularly in the United States, who are calling their Members of Congress requesting that the United States freeze the funds they agreed to provide for the elections until the necessary reforms to ensure that the elections are managed fairly are taken.

 

Conclusion

After eight months living in camps among rubble in primitive conditions, tempers are wearing thin.  Everyone knows aid money poured into to support the Haitian people and no one is seeing the affect of that money.  They are aware of the election rigging underway and are fed up.  This is becoming a highly volatile situation with a strong prospect of erupting into a violent and chaotic political mess.  Meanwhile, the international community is sitting on the sidelines.  It is time for them to back up the Haitian people and insist on a free and fair electoral process – particularly since they are footing the bill. 

 

For more information, please, contact:

Stanley Lucas, Washington Democracy Project, centurionlucas@gmail.com (202) 256-6026