Randall Robinson CSPAN Interview and Aristide's Haiti

For the Record …
Corrections and Comments by Stanley Lucas Stanleylucas1@gmail.com
On Randall Robinson's July 22, 2007 C-SPAN Interview--------------------------
Randall Robinson has written a book about Haiti's history which was published this year. On July 22, 2007, he gave an interview to C-SPAN http://www.q-and-a.org/Transcript/?ProgramID=1137covering his perspectives on a variety of issues, including recent events in Haiti. The following are some corrections and comments on the interview intended to clarify several of his misleading statements.

1. Mr. Robinson omitted mentioning that his wife, Hazel Ross-Robinson, not only has an extensive background working on Capitol Hill, but left the Hill to go to work for Aristide earning millions of dollars as a lobbyist defending Aristide's interests in Washington, DC http://www.haitipolicy.org/Lobbying7.htm .

2. Mr. Robinson failed to mention if there is a connection between his book and the $30 million that Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez pledged to actor and Aristide supporter Danny Glover to produce a movie about the Haitian independence and its impact on Latin America. The thrust of Robinson's book is essentially an effort to gloss over Aristide's abysmal record of drug trafficking, human rights violations, election rigging and corruption by positioning Aristide's story as an extension of the Haitian independence movement. The absurdity of comparing this man to the founding fathers of Haiti is evident and an insult to the Haitian people. There is a concern among Haitians that their history is subject to being sold out to the highest bidder – and therefore can be manipulated, specifically by the Aristide supporters.

3. Overall, it is disappointing to hear Mr. Robinson characterize everything in terms of race. Haiti is 99% black and proud to be the world's first black republic. However, the independence was not just about race. Haiti's founding fathers saw beyond race to the universal values of freedom and equality. Haitians fought alongside Simon Bolivar in his quest to liberate the Latin American countries. They fought alongside Americans in the Revolutionary War http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=5173752062581162877&q=president+clinton+haiti&total=6&start=0&num=10&so=0&type=search&plindex=0. It was not about Latinos or Americans. For Haitians, it was about freedom and liberation. It is true, however, that outsiders may have considered us a threat because of our cause and because of our race, but that did not have an impact on our purpose.

There is a further concern among Haitians that the collective memory of the Haitian independence movement could be tainted by these assertions. President Rene Preval requested that Danny Glover shoot the movie in Haiti and include Haitian historians and movie producers in the project to ensure that the only successful black revolution on earth is portrayed faithfully and accurately.

4. Mr. Robinson does not know me or my family. My father was a businessman and spent his career with the US Agency of International Development (USAID), where he retired. My mother is a businesswomen in her own right and never worked in Haiti. Neither were involved in politics. To state that my parents were supporters of Duvalier is an outright fabrication. -- Stanley Lucas

RANDALL ROBINSON IS INSULTING HAITIANS BY COMPARING THIS MAN TO HAITI'S FOREFATHERS

1. Aristide Embezzled $76 Million by Financial Inquiry Central Unit (UCREF), anti-corruption agency, on Caribbean Media Corp, During the 2001-02 period, the report found that about $10 million was spent by Aristide's office without proper justification, while more than $55 million was used, between February 2002 and February 2004, in violation of all administrative rules.
2. Vast Scheme of Corruption under Aristide by l'Unité Central de Renseig nement Financier (Ucref), Haitian government investigatory committe, on Radio Metropole, The UCREF's second report traces money-laundering from central bank through three Haiti-based front companies to Aristide's offshore accounts.


3. Major Report on Corruption of Aristide Foundation by l'Unité Centrale de Renseignements (UCREF), Haitian government investigatory commission, Haitian government investigators use the check register of the central bank to trace the outflows under the Aristide regime. Came out in July 2005.


4. Depositing Haiti's Money into Aristide's Bank Account by Mary Anastasia O'Grady, Wall Street Journal, "I am the state," Duvalier used to say, and that's the way Aristide felt about it, too. How he and prominent U.S. politicians stuffed their pockets with Haiti's money.


5. CEA Inquiry into Millions Found Diverted to Aristide Offshore Accounts--Text by Commission d'Enquete Administrative de Paul Denis, Full text of report and interviews by one of the two Haitian government committees looking into the missing millions.


6. Aristide's Stolen Millions by Jacqueline Charles, Miami Herald, Investigators in Haiti report that former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide funneled public money into his personal charities and front companies.


7. Overview of Aristide Regime Corruption by Radio Metropole, Preliminary report on theft from government agencies during Aristide regime.


8. The Emperor Has No Clothes by Jean-Claude Jasmin, How Aristide & Co. plundered the Haitian treasury;


9. Haiti: Aristide Stole Millions by Jacqueline Charles, Miami Herald, Haiti's interim government filed suit against former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide in Miami federal court, accusing him of stealing millions from the Haitian people.


10. Embezzlement Found in Aristide Administration by IOL.co, Zambia, Haitian commission calling on Aristide to testify about "assets stemming from drug trafficking and other serious offences, the extraction of public funds, abuse of authority, misappropriation of funds and corruption involving government officials."


11. Bring Aristide to Justice by Mary Anastasia O'Grady, Wall Street Journal, Critical information should be unsealed in the IDT case in which the telecom firm allegedly agreed to transfer funds to an offshore account set up on behalf of President Aristide by a Turks and Caicos Islands front company.


12. U.S. Indictment of Aristide in Drug Trafficking--How Near? by Joseph Contreras, Newsweek, Aristide reportedly a target of the federal grand jury that returned indictments against his underlings, five of whom have been convicted. Will federal prosecutors now charge Aristide himself?


13. Drug Lord: Aristide Runs 85% of Drugs by Associated Press Aristide controls 85% of the cocaine flow through the impoverished nation.


14. Another Aristide Official Guilty of Drug-Running by Associated Press, Another Aristide police official pleads guilty to drug-trafficking charges in federal court. Sent police cars to pick up cocaine and pack it aboard American Airlines flights.


15. Aristide Gave Protection to Drug Runner: Security Chief by Miami Herald, The former security chief for Jean-Bertrand Aristide testified that the deposed Haitian leader enabled a reputed cocaine kingpin to travel free of police scrutiny.


16. Former Aristide Security Chief Took Huge Druglord Payoffs by Miami Herald, The ex-security chief for former president Aristide testified that a drug-trafficking defendant gave him regular payoffs to safeguard shipments.


17. Drug-Dealers Running for Office by news sources, Watch out for a number of drug traffickers, among whom are former police and Aristide officials, running for the lower house from Trou du Nord and other districts.


18. Aristide's Former Security Chief Pleads Guilty to Drug Trafficking Charge by Agence France-Presse, on Radio Metropole, Oriel Jean, palace security chief during 2001-2003, pleads guilty to drug-related money-laundering charge, agrees to cooperate with U.S. investigation.


19. We're Not Drug Dealers by President Aristide, Regarding the officials whose U.S. visas have been pulled for drug-dealing, the United States has no evidence of that. They're just picking on us because we're poor and weak. Reported by Reuters.


20. Former U.S. Drug Czar: Aristide Must Be Involved by Andrea Mitchell, NBC, McCaffrey was President Bill Clinton's drug czar. "It's hard to imagine that Aristide himself isn't taking part in this enormously lucrative form of criminal activity."


21. Expelled Haiti Drug-lord Implicates Aristide at Sentencing by Associated Press, Ketant says he paid off Aristide for years. He claims Aristide controls 85% of the cocaine flow through the impoverished nation.


22. Taint of Drugs Reaching Haiti's Upper Echelons by David Adams, Times Latin America Correspondent, Aristide's refusal to fire Jean in 2002, despite evidence of his ties to drug money, made U.S. officials begin to suspect the president. Jean was one of six Haitian police officers allegedly linked to drugs that the US pressed Aristide to fire.


23. U.S. Considering Indictment of Aristide for Drug Dealing by Jose De Cordoba, Wall Street Journal, Investigation has gained momentum since Aristide ousted. At least one convicted major cocaine trafficker has offered details of Aristide's purported involvement.


24. Aristide Lobbied To Get U.S. Acquiescence to His Murderous Regime by Mary Anastasia O'Grady, Wall Street Journal, America is now paying a price for the benign approach taken by the U.S. at the behest of Aristide's lobbyists. Over 1,900 U.S. troops are in Haiti trying to disarm violent militias Aristide left behind.


25. After Cocaine, Haiti's Most Successful Export Product Is Knee-jerkism by Herbert Gold, San Francisco Chronicle, Consider the Congressional Black Caucus, the well-worn New and Less New Left, and the knee-jerk street political thinkers. Aristide always seemed to have plenty of money for his propagandists, paying lawyers and lobbyists to represent him abroad.


26. Haiti Launches Corruption Probes by Jacqueline Charles, Miami Herald, Focus on suspected diversion of state funds in long-distance phone companies, Taiwan aid, and Miami lobbyist Ira Kurzban.


27. Closing the Circle by Ann W. O'Neill, South Florida Sun-Sentinel, The U.S. investigation into drugs, money and corruption under Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide stretched Tuesday from the ranks of the Haitian National Police into the upper echelon of the Senate and ruling political party.


28. Naming Top Aristiders in Drug Trade by Orlando Sentinel, Colombian drug runner to testify against former top palace, drugs, and police officials and senator. "Will this lead to Aristide? Who knows?"


29. U.S. Treasury in Haiti Investigating Aristide's Personal Role by Nancy San Martin, Miami Herald, U.S. Treasury Department investigators are in Haiti scouring bank and other records for evidence of corruption by ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.


30. Former Airport Police Chief Charged by Associated Press, This makes the sixth close associate of Aristide now charged in U.S. federal court with cocaine smuggling.


31. $1 Million Suspected Destined for Aristide Paramilitary by news services, A Haitian-Canadian arrested with $1 million in cash, suspected that it was intended for Aristide's "Operation Baghdad" to destabilize government.


32. Evidence of U.S. Telephone Company's Corrupt Relationship with Aristide by Mary Anastasia O'Grady, Candidate Kerry on March 4 said he would send troops to Haiti to keep Aristide in power. Another telephone company is complicit in Aristide's corruption like Fusion International with its board of Democratic Party stalwarts.


33. Aristide Corruption Probed by Successor Government by Jane Regan, Miami Herald, Justice Ministry recommends corruption investigations of Aristide and 28 confederates. Suspected of stealing government money and giving it to thugs to commit violence.


34. List of Aristide Officials Arrested for Drug-Trafficking by Haitianpolitics e-mail list contributor, List of former Aristide senators and top security officials arrested, jailed in Miami and awaiting trial for drug-trafficking.


35. Drug Plea-Bargaining May Build Case Against Aristide by Jack Dolan and Jay Weaver, Miami Herald, Former Haitian security officials are beginning to cut deals with prosecutors as a historic drug-smuggling trial nears. Five Aristide-appointed police chiefs and drug czars to go on trial


36. Haiti Sues to Collect a Phone Bill by Mary Anastasia O'Grady, Wall Street Journal, The reporter who pioneered the story in 2001 notes the latest additions found in the Haitian government's lawsuit. If verified, these additions trace a money trail that implicates top U.S. politicians of both parties and should trigger U.S. prosecution.


37. Need to Move from Fact-finding to Prosecution by Judge Claudy Gassant, former prosecutor of Jean Dominique murder case, ursuing Aristide's corruption with only an administrative inquiry, the interim regime appears to be sending up a trial balloon and depending on the American case rather than using all the prosecutorial tools at its disposal. Presented at below seminar.


38. Haiti's Missing Millions: A Seminar by Haiti Democracy Project, The project held a presentation by the Winston & Strawn partner who co-authored the landmark lawsuit against Aristide. November 10, 2 p.m., Brookings


39. U.S. Executive Fired for Questioning Kickback to Aristide Private Bank Account by William P. Perniciaro, attorney at law, Text of lawsuit reported by Mary O'Grady: Michael Jewett is fired for objecting to IDT transfer into Mount Salem, Aristide's private bank account in Turks and Caicos.


40. Lawsuit Filed Against Aristide by Associated Press, "Aristide and his accomplices stole tens of millions of dollars from the public treasury and transferred a portion of those funds to the United States." --

Jean-Bertrand Aristide: Drugs and Corruption in Haiti

1. Click on on the links to read these articles Aristide Embezzled $76 Million by Financial Inquiry Central Unit (UCREF), anti-corruption agency, on Caribbean Media Corp, During the 2001-02 period, the report found that about $10 million was spent by Aristide's office without proper justification, while more than $55 million was used, between February 2002 and February 2004, in violation of all administrative rules.



2. Vast Scheme of Corruption under Aristide by l'Unité Central de Renseignement Financier (Ucref), Haitian government investigatory committe, on Radio Metropole, The UCREF's second report traces money-laundering from central bank through three Haiti-based front companies to Aristide's offshore accounts.



3. Major Report on Corruption of Aristide Foundation by l'Unité Centrale de Renseignements (UCREF), Haitian government investigatory commission, Haitian government investigators use the check register of the central bank to trace the outflows under the Aristide regime. Came out in July 2005.



4. Depositing Haiti's Money into Aristide's Bank Account by Mary Anastasia O'Grady, Wall Street Journal, "I am the state," Duvalier used to say, and that's the way Aristide felt about it, too. How he and prominent U.S. politicians stuffed their pockets with Haiti's money.



5. CEA Inquiry into Millions Found Diverted to Aristide Offshore Accounts--Text by Commission d'Enquete Administrative de Paul Denis, Full text of report and interviews by one of the two Haitian government committees looking into the missing millions.



6. Aristide's Stolen Millions by Jacqueline Charles, Miami Herald, Investigators in Haiti report that former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide funneled public money into his personal charities and front companies.



7. Overview of Aristide Regime Corruption by Radio Metropole, Preliminary report on theft from government agencies during Aristide regime.



8. The Emperor Has No Clothes by Jean-Claude Jasmin, How Aristide & Co. plundered the Haitian treasury;



9. Haiti: Aristide Stole Millions by Jacqueline Charles, Miami Herald, Haiti's interim government filed suit against former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide in Miami federal court, accusing him of stealing millions from the Haitian people.
   Embezzlement Found in Aristide Administration by IOL.co, Zambia, Haitian commission calling on Aristide to testify about "assets stemming from drug trafficking and other serious offences, the extraction of public funds, abuse of authority, misappropriation of funds and corruption involving government officials."



10. Bring Aristide to Justice by Mary Anastasia O'Grady, Wall Street Journal, Critical information should be unsealed in the IDT case in which the telecom firm allegedly agreed to transfer funds to an offshore account set up on behalf of President Aristide by a Turks and Caicos Islands front company.



11. U.S. Indictment of Aristide in Drug Trafficking--How Near? by Joseph Contreras, Newsweek, Aristide reportedly a target of the federal grand jury that returned indictments against his underlings, five of whom have been convicted. Will federal prosecutors now charge Aristide himself?



12. Drug Lord: Aristide Runs 85% of Drugs by Associated Press Aristide controls 85% of the cocaine flow through the impoverished nation.



13. Another Aristide Official Guilty of Drug-Running by Associated Press, Another Aristide police official pleads guilty to drug-trafficking charges in federal court. Sent police cars to pick up cocaine and pack it aboard American Airlines flights.



14. Aristide Gave Protection to Drug Runner: Security Chief by Miami Herald, The former security chief for Jean-Bertrand Aristide testified that the deposed Haitian leader enabled a reputed cocaine kingpin to travel free of police scrutiny.



15. Former Aristide Security Chief Took Huge Druglord Payoffs by Miami Herald, The ex-security chief for former president Aristide testified that a drug-trafficking defendant gave him regular payoffs to safeguard shipments.



16. Drug-Dealers Running for Office by news sources, Watch out for a number of drug traffickers, among whom are former police and Aristide officials, running for the lower house from Trou du Nord and other districts.



17. Aristide's Former Security Chief Pleads Guilty to Drug Trafficking Charge by Agence France-Presse, on Radio Metropole, Oriel Jean, palace security chief during 2001-2003, pleads guilty to drug-related money-laundering charge, agrees to cooperate with U.S. investigation.



18. We're Not Drug Dealers by President Aristide, Regarding the officials whose U.S. visas have been pulled for drug-dealing, the United States has no evidence of that. They're just picking on us because we're poor and weak. Reported by Reuters.



19. Former U.S. Drug Czar: Aristide Must Be Involved by Andrea Mitchell, NBC, McCaffrey was President Bill Clinton's drug czar. "It's hard to imagine that Aristide himself isn't taking part in this enormously lucrative form of criminal activity."



20. Expelled Haiti Drug-lord Implicates Aristide at Sentencing by Associated Press, Ketant says he paid off Aristide for years. He claims Aristide controls 85% of the cocaine flow through the impoverished nation.



21. Taint of Drugs Reaching Haiti's Upper Echelons by David Adams, Times Latin America Correspondent, Aristide's refusal to fire Jean in 2002, despite evidence of his ties to drug money, made U.S. officials begin to suspect the president. Jean was one of six Haitian police officers allegedly linked to drugs that the US pressed Aristide to fire.



22. U.S. Considering Indictment of Aristide for Drug Dealing by Jose De Cordoba, Wall Street Journal, Investigation has gained momentum since Aristide ousted. At least one convicted major cocaine trafficker has offered details of Aristide's purported involvement.



23. Aristide Lobbied To Get U.S. Acquiescence to His Murderous Regime by Mary Anastasia O'Grady, Wall Street Journal, America is now paying a price for the benign approach taken by the U.S. at the behest of Aristide's lobbyists. Over 1,900 U.S. troops are in Haiti trying to disarm violent militias Aristide left behind.



24. After Cocaine, Haiti's Most Successful Export Product Is Knee-jerkism by Herbert Gold, San Francisco Chronicle, Consider the Congressional Black Caucus, the well-worn New and Less New Left, and the knee-jerk street political thinkers. Aristide always seemed to have plenty of money for his propagandists, paying lawyers and lobbyists to represent him abroad.



25. Haiti Launches Corruption Probes by Jacqueline Charles, Miami Herald, Focus on suspected diversion of state funds in long-distance phone companies, Taiwan aid, and Miami lobbyist Ira Kurzban.



26. Closing the Circle by Ann W. O'Neill, South Florida Sun-Sentinel, The U.S. investigation into drugs, money and corruption under Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide stretched Tuesday from the ranks of the Haitian National Police into the upper echelon of the Senate and ruling political party.



27. Naming Top Aristiders in Drug Trade by Orlando Sentinel, Colombian drug runner to testify against former top palace, drugs, and police officials and senator. "Will this lead to Aristide? Who knows?"



28. U.S. Treasury in Haiti Investigating Aristide's Personal Role by Nancy San Martin, Miami Herald, U.S. Treasury Department investigators are in Haiti scouring bank and other records for evidence of corruption by ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.



29. Former Airport Police Chief Charged by Associated Press, This makes the sixth close associate of Aristide now charged in U.S. federal court with cocaine smuggling.



30. $1 Million Suspected Destined for Aristide Paramilitary by news services, A Haitian-Canadian arrested with $1 million in cash, suspected that it was intended for Aristide's "Operation Baghdad" to destabilize government.



31. Evidence of U.S. Telephone Company's Corrupt Relationship with Aristide by Mary Anastasia O'Grady, Candidate Kerry on March 4 said he would send troops to Haiti to keep Aristide in power. Another telephone company is complicit in Aristide's corruption like Fusion International with its board of Democratic Party stalwarts.



32. Aristide Corruption Probed by Successor Government by Jane Regan, Miami Herald, Justice Ministry recommends corruption investigations of Aristide and 28 confederates. Suspected of stealing government money and giving it to thugs to commit violence.



33. List of Aristide Officials Arrested for Drug-Trafficking by Haitianpolitics e-mail list contributor, List of former Aristide senators and top security officials arrested, jailed in Miami and awaiting trial for drug-trafficking.



34. Drug Plea-Bargaining May Build Case Against Aristide by Jack Dolan and Jay Weaver, Miami Herald, Former Haitian security officials are beginning to cut deals with prosecutors as a historic drug-smuggling trial nears. Five Aristide-appointed police chiefs and drug czars to go on trial



35. Haiti Sues to Collect a Phone Bill by Mary Anastasia O'Grady, Wall Street Journal, The reporter who pioneered the story in 2001 notes the latest additions found in the Haitian government's lawsuit. If verified, these additions trace a money trail that implicates top U.S. politicians of both parties and should trigger U.S. prosecution.



36. Need to Move from Fact-finding to Prosecution by Judge Claudy Gassant, former prosecutor of Jean Dominique murder case, ursuing Aristide's corruption with only an administrative inquiry, the interim regime appears to be sending up a trial balloon and depending on the American case rather than using all the prosecutorial tools at its disposal. Presented at below seminar.



37. Haiti's Missing Millions: A Seminar by Haiti Democracy Project, The project held a presentation by the Winston & Strawn partner who co-authored the landmark lawsuit against Aristide. November 10, 2 p.m., Brookings



38. U.S. Executive Fired for Questioning Kickback to Aristide Private Bank Account by William P. Perniciaro, attorney at law, Text of lawsuit reported by Mary O'Grady: Michael Jewett is fired for objecting to IDT transfer into Mount Salem, Aristide's private bank account in Turks and Caicos.



39. Lawsuit Filed Against Aristide by Associated Press, "Aristide and his accomplices stole tens of millions of dollars from the public treasury and transferred a portion of those funds to the United States."
    

Drug Trafficking: A Continuing Threat to Democracy in Haiti by Stanley Lucas

The recent raids authorized by president Rene Preval in the towns of Gonaives, les Cayes and Port-au-Prince by the US Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) has once again thrust Haiti’s drug trafficking problems to the forefront. While Haitian leaders have made some strides against the problem, their strategy is, at best, ad hoc and seems to ignore key elements of the problem. The government has made efforts to go after the gangs, who are well-funded especially by the Venezuelan drug trade, but it must also focus on those illegal elements in the business community that allow the business end of trafficking to function.-------------------------------

The Network

Haiti is a major transit point for cocaine destined for the United States. More than 80 percent of the cocaine going through Haiti comes by air from Venezuela, and the amount of cocaine smuggled from Venezuela through Haiti increased by 167 percent from 2005 to 2006. The cocaine cartels are so powerful in Haiti that they control parts of the National Palace, the police, the courts, parliament, and the banks. They undermine the rule of law, foster corruption, import weapons, finances elections, and sponsor violent gangs. ----------------------------------------------------------------

Under ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, this network of cartels benefited from the full political support and blessing of the Aristide government. He was considered their “godfather” or “patron”. He promoted police officers managing the drug traffic for him, and created a network of gangs and thugs to enforce and implement the system. A network of 32 top police commissioners reported directly to Aristide. In 2000, nine of them challenged Aristide over the sharing of narco- profits, and Aristide staged a coup in order to fire them. They left Haiti for the Dominican Republic. After Aristide’s resignation, the DEA arrested associates of Aristide including the well known: Oriel Jean, the head of presidential security, arrested later by the US DEA; Police Chief Nesly Lucien, Aristide’s top associate; Fourel Celestin, the President of the Senate; and others.

In order to make the system of trafficking run effectively, three major groups have formed: the first group is the heads of the cartels and the traffickers; the second is the strategists, the businessmen and the money launders; and, the third is the former military officers that became police commissioners in 1995 with the creation of the Haitian National Police (HNP).----------

Where are they now?

After Aristide’s resignation and departure in 2004, the network of the first group, the leaders of the cartels, was partly dismantled by the Latortue government and MINUSTAH. On the run for the past three years, efforts have been made by this group to rebuild and reorganize their network to regain their power. Operation Baghdad I and Baghdad II, the bloody campaigns of violence and kidnapping undertaken by the gangs in over the past few years, were conceived to maintain instability and create conditions for the cocaine trade with Venezuela. These conditions were also aimed at showing that the sine quo non of stability was linked to the return of their godfather, Aristide. While this was going on, Fanmi Lavalas selected ten candidates linked to drug trafficking, racketeering and political violence for the upcoming senate elections scheduled for December 2007. Most of them are known for political assassination, drug trafficking, corruption, gang activities and human rights violations.---------------------------------------

The second group is equally dangerous, but tolerated by international policy makers living in Haiti because of the lack of blood on their hands. They are wealthy, have "legitimate businesses" and have access to local and international political power and policy makers. This group is the business end of the illegal operations. They control the banks that clean the narco-money. More importantly, they keep Aristide happy by transferring him his monthly share to various Caribbean offshore accounts. Most of the business people are US-educated and understand how to work the system in Washington, so they pay high priced lobbyists to tell the US leadership what they want them to hear. They participate in US-backed privatization programs to curry favor, and they know how to team up with U.S. business in order to clean the drug money. To give the impression that they are legitimate, they attend all the international business community meetings in Port-au-Prince, and generally play the DC game. --------------------------------------------------

They also play the game in Haiti. They control government contracts and have full access to the current president. In fact, they work with the President to develop the plan for which members of the cartels should be arrested and deported. They often prepare talking points for the president and use him as their mouthpiece. However, it is clear that the President is unaware of this larger dynamic and blind to their bigger agenda. President Preval has clearly been against narco-trafficking and would not consent to any of these measures if he was aware of the full situation.-------------------------------------------------------------------------

The third group are the military officers that became high ranking officers of the HNP in 1995. They were the protégés of Aristide and his associates for many reasons. First, some of them shared the so-called "populism" approach and claimed to be of the left. Second, they venerated Aristide. And, third they put aside the law to execute their leader’s political will through political assassination, intimidation, illegal arrest, extortion, drug trafficking, black market trading, corruption, and election manipulation. They shared the profits with Aristide, and in return they got carte blanche to do whatever they wanted. They played a major role in the manipulation of the May 21, 2000 elections using the police logistics to stuff the ballot boxes and change the results of the tally sheets. ---------------------------------------

The honeymoon between Aristide and these police commissioners went south by the end of 2000 when a conflict emerged over the sharing of cocaine revenues. In the past they gave him 65 percent of the cocaine revenues and kept 35 percent. They decided, on their own, that they would keep 60 percent and give 40 percent to Aristide. A conflict exploded among the partners. To remind them that he was the one running the show, Aristide transferred them to various abandoned cities throughout the country side. A week after the transfer, Aristide stated that they were plotting against him and fired them. They left for the Dominican Republic. During that time, Aristide maintained a love-hate relationship with them. He kept them away, but used them when needed. According to many analysts when the rallies of the democratic opposition were growing in numbers, Aristide need an excuse to crush them. He contacted his former associates exiled in the Dominican Republic to stage a coup d'etat and blame the democratic opposition. Investigations have shown that prior to the staged coup, Aristide’s key supporters had been given specific instructions on the targets to strike on December 17, 2001. As planned, the coup was staged and minutes later Aristide supporters burned the headquarters of many opposition parties and the residences of several political leaders of the opposition. They also burned headquarters of two unions and tried to burn many independent radio stations. Miraculously, many leaders of the opposition escaped political assassination. The most well known is Luc Mezadieu, who narrowly escaped assassination, although his bodyguard was burned to death by Aristide loyalist Amyot Metayer, known as Cuban.------------------------- ----------------------------------

Questions Haitian should ask

All three groups pose an equal threat to Haiti’s democracy. But it seems that justice is being applied unevenly and the business people are being "tolerated". Why? ---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Why is no one questioning the ALBA deal between Venezuela and Haiti? The facts are that Venezuela is dropping 80 percent of the cocaine in Haiti. The Venezuelans facilitate the job of the Colombian traffickers that use Haiti as a platform to transfer cocaine to the US. Many observers question Haiti's relations with Venezuela. The cynics even ask if cocaine is included in the ALBA deal. It seems that the same people that are part of the business group in Haiti are the ones deeply involved in the ALBA deal with Venezuela.------------------------------------------------

Why doesn’t Haiti have a comprehensive strategy to combat drug trafficking? Reactions seems to be punctual, ad hoc and not part of a overall plan. The international community and various sectors of Haitian society including parliament, the parties and civil society should pressure the government to elaborate such long term policy. The Haitian police with the appropriate political support has the leadership capacity to rid the institution of the bad elements, strengthen the various services, and restore honesty and integrity in order to combat drugs. Unfortunately money laundering and other economic crimes are not getting the same attention as the violent crimes, and do not receive the appropriate political support. Most of these crimes, in fact, are ignored. For Haiti to succeed in the quest to build a democracy, the government needs to remain on the offense against all elements of drug trafficking, including those involved in economic crimes.---------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Where is the US involvement? President Preval signed an agreement with the United States allowing US authorities to intervene in order to stop and capture drug traffickers in Haiti. In some cases US authorities are allowed to operate alone and sometimes with the HNP. During his recent visit to DC, President Preval complained about of the lack of action and intervention by the American authorities who, he said, have only two agents in Haiti. Some analysts close to the President stated that Preval had a list of people to be taken to custody in Miami. However, the pressure that Preval has been applying in Washington is not being publicized in Haiti, which is the cause of much speculation over whether the President is under pressure from those elements of the business community to walk the line.

Haiti’s Drug Problems

By Robert Perito and Greg MalyJune 2007
on May 8, 2007, President Bush promised Haitian President René Préval that the United States would do more to help Haiti fight drugs and drug traffickers. Préval agreed that drugs threaten Haiti’s government, which lacks the capacity to fight international narcotics trafficking alone. The two presidents were right to emphasize this issue. The nearly unimpeded flow of narcotics through Haiti undermines the rule of law and the legitimacy of Haiti’s government. It fosters corruption in the police, courts, and customs; fuels weapons trafficking; finances armed gangs; breeds insecurity; and hampers economic development by discouraging investment and tourism. Haiti is an important transshipment point for cocaine reaching the United States and a major concern for American authorities.
The nature of the threat to Haiti from narcotics trafficking and the nature of U.S. counter-narcotics assistance were discussed by a panel of experts at a meeting of the Institute’s Haiti Working Group on June 8, 2007. Panelists included Alexander Toth, chief, Latin America and Caribbean Section, Office of Enforcement Operations, U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency; Kevin Brown, head of the Caribbean and Central American Section, International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Bureau, U.S. Department of State; Leon Charles, minister counselor, Embassy of Haiti and former director of the Haitian National Police; and, Dr. Marie-Claude Rigaud, a distinguished life fellow of the American Psychiatric Association. Robert Perito, director of the USIP Haiti Working Group, served as moderator. Following is a summary of the views expressed by the speakers and the audience during the meeting. It does not represent the views of the U.S. Institute of Peace, which does not take policy positions.

Haiti Is an Important Transshipment Point for Cocaine...
Shipments through Mexico and Central America account for 90 percent of the cocaine exported from South America to the United States. The remaining ten percent is shipped through central and eastern Caribbean. In recent years, successful enforcement efforts in Jamaica have reduced trafficking through that country. At the same time, President Chavez’s anti-American policies have reduced counter-narcotics cooperation and resulted in sharply increased cocaine shipments from Venezuela through Haiti and the Dominican Republic on the Island of Hispaniola. U.S. government agencies estimate that 83 metric tons or about eight percent of the cocaine entering the United States in 2006 transited either Haiti or the Dominican Republic.
Haiti has 1,200 miles of unprotected coastline and 225 miles of un-patrolled land border. Drug shipments by "fast boats" and small planes land at tiny ports and on clandestine airstrips scattered along Haiti’s southern coast. Haiti’s under-strength and dysfunctional police force is unable to respond to the challenge, as traffickers often take as little as five minutes to offload their cargo and refuel. Haiti’s tiny coast guard has only two patrol boats, 95 personnel, and no air assets. Corruption among Haiti’s law enforcement authorities is common. A near-record seizure of 925 pounds of cocaine on May 31, 2007 in the coastal town of Loegane highlights Haiti’s problems. The drugs were discovered at a road checkpoint in vehicles with government license plates. Five police officers were among the ten people arrested.
Faced with a nearly overwhelming challenge from international drug traffickers, Haiti’s government has been frank about the need for international assistance. In a speech to the Haitian Parliament on January 10, 2007, Préval alleged that the United States had failed to fulfill its obligations under the 1998 bilateral drug enforcement agreement, which permitted the United States to conduct counter-narcotics operations in and around Haiti. Préval said the United States needed to do more to interdict drug shipments and dismantle drug gangs. On March 16, 2007, Préval joined leaders from the Dominican Republic, Jamaica, Colombia, Grenada, and Trinidad and Tobago and representatives from Europe and the United States at a regional summit on Drugs, Security, and Cooperation in the Caribbean. Préval called for increased foreign assistance for the Caribbean as part of a global battle against narcotics traffickers: "If we are left alone, the drug-trafficking giants are going to devour us in one bite." On May 18, in a Haitian Flag Day speech, Préval declared a "war without end" against corruption, smuggling and drug trafficking.

U.S. Counter-Narcotics Programs Short of Funds and Resources
The United States has made a good faith effort to control the flow of narcotics through Haiti and the Dominican Republic within the limits of available resources. Following the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the U.S. Coast Guard re-deployed assets from the eastern Caribbean to the U.S. mainland to improve port security. This reduced the U.S ability to interdict drugs transiting the Caribbean. At the same time, U.S. national priorities such as the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan reduced overall resources that might have been available for funding drug enforcement operations in Haiti. Additional limitations come from the inability of the Haitian government and security services to effectively utilize assistance and the reality of high levels of official corruption in Haiti. Yet, U.S. and Haitian counter-narcotics efforts have proven effective when vigorously applied.
In 2006, U.S. authorities tracked 159 drug flights from South America to Haiti and the Dominican Republic. From March to May 2007, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) conducted Operation Rum Punch and Rum Chaser, which involved an intensive effort to reduce drug flights and seize drug shipments. During the operation, there was more than a 40 percent drop in the number of drug flights into Haiti compared to the previous four months. Of those flights that came through, four were interdicted yielding the seizure of over 1,135 kilograms of cocaine. Subsequently, there was a dramatic decrease in the number of suspected drug flights from Venezuela and Colombia into Haiti and a shift of airdrops and clandestine landings of aircraft carrying cocaine to the Dominican Republic.
For the long term, however, programs to reform the Haitian National Police (HNP) remain the cornerstone of U.S. efforts to control the transshipment of narcotics through Haiti. Without an effective Haitian police force there is little prospect of solving Haiti’s narcotics-related problems. The United States has contributed $40 million in training and equipment for the HNP, the country’s only security force. Assistance included upgrades for the police academy, a model police stations program, and provision of communications, vehicles, uniforms, and related gear. The HNP’s special counter narcotics unit has 45 vetted officers and has received U.S. training, equipment and support for operations. Within this unit, DEA has specially selected and trained a Sensitive Investigative Unit composed of officers who collect intelligence and conduct operations against major traffickers. The U.S. Coast Guard provides equipment and training to its Haitian counterpart, which conducts limited operations from bases at Killick and Cap Haitien. The United States also provides technical assistance to a financial investigative unit located at the Haitian Central Bank that deals with money laundering and official corruption. Overall U.S. drug-related assistance to Haiti has totalled about $1 million annually since 2004.
Critics of the U.S. counter-narcotics effort believe the United States could do more, particularly given the seriousness of the threat. They argue that the following steps could be undertaken without a major increase in financial resources:
A full complement of DEA officers could be assigned to the U.S. Embassy in Port au Prince. During 2006, several of the five DEA positions at the embassy were not filled.
The U.S. Coast Guard could join with regional partners under the Caribbean Regional Maritime Cooperation Agreement to deploy additional units and increase assistance to their Haitian counterparts. The U.S. Coast Guard concentrates its effort north of Haiti to interdict Haitian migrants rather than patrolling south of Haiti to interdict drugs.
The United States could reassign aircraft from the large Blackhawk helicopter force that operates in Colombia to Haiti to support UN and HNP counter drug operations.
MINUSTAH, the UN mission in Haiti, could become more involved in counter-narcotics efforts. The United States could assign experienced counter-narcotics specialists to the UN police force.
Greater international attention could be paid to controlling Haiti’s border with the Dominican Republic.
The Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM) could create a regional special court to deal with drug traffickers that would be funded by international donors.

Domestic Drug Abuse Is Not a Problem
Ironically, Haiti’s status as the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere and the fact that most Haitians still live in rural areas have prevented the development of an internal drug abuse problem. Some traditional use of marijuana continues, but cocaine and heroine are beyond the purchasing power of all but a tiny fraction of Haiti’s population. Moreover, social cohesion and traditional moral values still hold sway in rural areas preventing young people from experimenting with drugs. This may not always remain the case, however. Experience in other countries shows that drug flows through transit countries eventually leave a growing residue of local drug addiction.

Challenges to Democracy in the Americas and the Role of the Inter-American Democratic Charter

Conclusions


On May 24, 2007 the Inter-American Dialogue and the Americas Program of the Center for Strategic and International Studies convened a group of experts representing a broad cross-section of organizations dealing with Hemispheric affairs to discuss means by which the Inter-American Democratic Charter can more effectively address challenges to democracy in the Americas. Participants engaged in a roundtable discussion focused on identifying the key variables affecting the practice of democracy in the region and practical steps by which the Inter-American Democratic Charter can be applied. --------------------------------------

A number of conclusions were reached from the discussion. These conclusions are noted below. They do not imply endorsement by any individual participant or institution represented, but instead reflect a general consensus of the discussion as summarized by Inter-American Dialogue and the Americas Program of CSIS. --------------

Key challenges to democracy in the Americas:

· The capacity of governmental institutions in many countries to govern effectively is very limited. Key sectors of government, especially judicial systems, require substantial improvement. Higher standards of transparency and government ethics are needed.

· Political parties in the region are weak, with many not carrying out the vital functions performed by parties in a democracy.

· Crime and insecurity have reached levels in many countries that diminish citizen confidence in legitimate state authority, undermining democracy and threatening stability.

· Deep social inequality and persistent high levels of poverty weaken democratic governance.

· Freedom of expression, an essential element in democracy, is under pressure in parts of the region.

· Regional consensus in favor of cooperative efforts to strengthen democracy has been diminished in recent years.


Means by which the Inter-American Democratic Charter can better address challenges to democracy.

So far, the Inter-American Charter has served mainly (and importantly) as a statement of principles. It has not yet proven to be an effective operational instrument for meeting challenges to democracy, in part because of the current conditions of distrust and dispute in hemispheric relations. Two ideas were proposed to improve the Charter’s operational value:

· The invocation of Article 17 by an OAS member state would provide an excellent opportunity to use the Inter-American Democratic Charter to promote regional solidarity and cooperation in support of democracy. This reflects the key purpose of the Charter in strengthening democracy and avoiding disruptions in constitutional order. By applying Article 17 in support of democracy in a member state, the OAS would underscore the utility of the Charter, help to de-stigmatize its application, and foster regional cooperation.

· The Secretary General should be empowered to promote, through his good offices, greater application of the Charter in support of democracy in the region. Additionally, civil society and academic organizations around the hemisphere should play a role in monitoring the implementation of the Charter and in analyzing factors affecting democracy in the Americas. This expert advice would produce useful points of reference in all aspects of democracy promotion. It could also be drawn on to counsel the Secretary General regarding any potential developments that may impair the democratic order in a member state, as outlined in Article 20 of the Charter.

CARIBBEAN SUMMIT: SPEECH OF ALBERT R. RAMDIN ASSISTANT SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES

THE CONFERENCE ON THE CARIBBEAN CSIS ROUNDTABLE June 15, 2007 - Washington, DC ------
Let me begin by thanking CSIS, and especially Ambassador Peter DeShazo, for organizing this scene-setter session for the upcoming Conference on the Caribbean.I believe that this Conference will serve as a vehicle for deepening and broadening relations at all levels between CARICOM and the USA. In this respect, the Conference objectives, as I understand them, are clear:to strengthen the dialogue between CARICOM and the US Government; to transmit Caribbean perspectives on regional growth and development to the year 2020, and to showcase the region.Through this encounter CARICOM governments intend to achieve these objectives through interaction at three specific levels:government to government; government to people; and people to people. No doubt, this is a very ambitious undertaking, which is meant to consolidate existing ties of friendship and kinship, and open new doors for dialogue, mutual understanding, cooperation and, hopefully, trade, investment and development.----------------------------- ---------------------------The responsibility for bringing it to fruition has rested with the CARICOM Caucus of Ambassadors in Washington and the United States State Department, and Ambassador Shirley and Ambassador Patrick Duddy will no doubt tell you more about the challenges faced, the process of preparation and the programme of encounters next week.Ladies and Gentlemen, we are all aware of the differences in size, wealth and population between the USA and the Caribbean. But the two areas are linked by very strong ties, owing to geography and proximity, migration patterns and the supply of labour in a broad range of professions, trade relations, US investments in the Caribbean sub-region, and concomitant security concerns. The Caribbean Diaspora in the USA is significant both in terms of size and impact on this country as well as the Caribbean. As we look around the United States from Miami to New York, Chicago to California, individuals of Caribbean heritage are achieving prominence as leaders in both the public and private sectors.I am particularly encouraged that the Caribbean governments recognize the importance of reaching out to this group and that is reflected in the systematic way in which the Caricom Caucus has reached out to the Caribbean Diaspora in the USA with a view to harness their skills and resources to aid development in the region, and promote awareness abroad. This idea of popular buy-in amongst the Caribbean Diaspora adds tremendous value to the Conference and adds a critical component which makes these meetings more than a series of high-level political meetings. Indeed, I would say that this approach can be described as politics for the people in order to better serve the development of the people and nations of the Caribbean. Once concrete area for consultation and action should be the issue of how best to make the most effective economic use of remittances from the Caribbean Diaspora, which account for a significant percentage of the GDP of many Caribbean countries. In Haiti alone, annual remittances account for 40 percent of GDP. One idea that might be explored is the establishment of mechanisms to facilitate the transfer of funds and their investment in development projects. ----------------------------------------There is also a political role for the Diaspora, which should be tapped at all levels - community, state and federal – to raise the profile of Caribbean concerns in the USA and to boost U.S.-Caribbean relations. Mr. Stanley Lucas has written a paper on “Institutionalizing Caribbean Diaspora Efforts in the US” and this will be discussed in the Diaspora Forum. Among his recommendations worthy of consideration are:the establishment of a CARICOM-US Business Council;a Caribbean Committee of 100 to encourage a broader range of voices in the policy process to highlight the sub-region and to bring a Caribbean-American perspective to US relations with the Caribbean;the formation of a Caribbean Congressional Caucus; and the establishment of a Caribbean Youth Leadership Programme. In the latter respect, allow me to highlight the role of the Young Americas Business Trust, an affiliate of the OAS, which is already doing sterling work in fomenting youth entrepreneurship in the Hemisphere, including in the Caribbean. Just as the Caribbean Diaspora maintains a vibrant cultural identity, it has to be recognized that Caribbean culture, identity and values are as much at risk at home as abroad and, in this regard, I should like to throw out the idea of establishing more Caribbean focused programs. The Caribbean diaspora is an important channel to promote the tourism industry in the Caribbean. The support of the Diaspora is critical to underlining the message that CARICOM is worth regarding as a continuing political and economic partner for the USA. In the OAS, CARICOM commands 14 votes and is therefore a vital partner, in addition to being a strategic geo-political sub-region in terms of security, with ample scope for increased cooperation in combating organized crime, the illegal trafficking of firearms and drugs, and the threat of terrorism. Development cooperation, increased investment and enhanced trade from the Caribbean to the USA will also be important to sustain and raise levels of economic growth. In terms of foreign policy, whilst there is disagreement on some international policy objectives and actions, there is sufficient common ground to strengthen the relationship and to continue to pursue other areas of mutual interest, particularly in the social, economic and security spheres. In showcasing the Caribbean, Heads will be opening doors for trade and investment. One therefore expects that delegations will explore possibilities for niche markets in the USA, particularly amongst Diaspora communities. The opportunity might also be taken to explore frameworks and opportunities in areas such as tourism, renewable energy and agro-industry. --------------------------------------- ---------Politically, CARICOM is already proving to be a useful partner in efforts to support the consolidation of constitutional democratic government in Haiti and, in my view, can also be a useful interlocutor in the emerging informal dialogue regarding Cuba. Much of the success of the Conference will lie in effective follow-up and the hope that announced outcomes at the official level will go beyond mere statements on foreign policy and platitudes on the importance of US-Caribbean relations. The current reality is that CARICOM brings strengths to the hemisphere and can contribute meaningfully in many areas such as good governance, democracy, civil society, etc. ----------------------------------------- ------------------------------------The reality is also that these economies are prone to vulnerabilities beyond their own control, such as illegal drug trafficking, international organized crime, natural disasters, phasing out of preferential treatment of their exports, etc.I believe that the best way to deal with threats, challenges or security issues in the Caribbean is to make these small economies stronger, sustainable and able to withstand external shocks. Creating employment and, promoting investment are key in this strategy to strengthen vulnerable economies in transition.The shared interest and common values between the US and Caribbean economies provide a solid basis to make this relationship a meaningful one. One that is based on the recognition that it is in the strategic interest of the Caribbean and the USA to build and sustain such a relationship, not only in times when domestic agenda’s require such an friendly climate and response, but in a more structural sense by establishing dialogue mechanism that work and deliver to both.One that delivers on the promise of creating wealth in those countries by dealing with the trade imbalance, by restructuring the Caribbean Basin Initiative, by facilitating and supporting the transfer of these economies towards financial and other services. One that supports the realities of the new security paradigm in which governance and development issues are closely linked to security concerns – and in which US security regulations directly impact security efforts and development issues for the Caribbean, and security concerns in the Caribbean have direct bearing on the United States. The 14 CARICOM nations, that are a member of the OAS, form almost 50% of the independent countries of the Americas: clearly it is better to count these nations as friends of the USA. In my view, this conference provides an unique opportunity to solidify this environment, by making the relationship visible and an equal one.I thank you for your presence and attention.