Help Haiti by Calling Congress – Kote Lajan a Pase?

Billions of dollars of private and public money were pledged and collected for Haiti after the January 12, 2010 earthquake.  The Haitian Government, Haitian civil society and the diaspora got less than 1% of the funds. Three years later almost everyone supporting Haiti around the world and in the United States are asking where did the money go? Click here: http://www.cepr.net/index.php/blogs/relief-and-reconstruction-watch/breaking-open-the-black-box-increasing-aid-transparency-and-accountability-in-haiti  

At this juncture everyone can help answer that question and support Haiti moving forward effectively by calling the United States Congress and ask them to support and promote accountability and justice by co-sponsoring the Assessing Progress in Haiti Act, click here:  http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/BILLS-113hr1749ih/pdf/BILLS-113hr1749ih.pdf

If you decide to call, for the phone numbers to use click here http://www.house.gov/representatives/ 

and here is a short script of what to say:

Hello, my name is __________ and I'm calling you from __________ (city or town).

I'm calling today to ask you to support the Assessing Progress in Haiti Act.  The lack luster results of the reconstruction process in Haiti to date require that Congress demand more accountability and transparency in how our US tax dollars are spent in Haiti.  That important legislation would require the Government Accountability Office (GAO) to provide a comprehensive report updating Congress on the progress of the post-earthquake humanitarian, reconstruction, and development efforts in Haiti, including:

•  Assess whether vulnerable populations, including Internally Displaced Populations, women, children, orphans and persons with disabilities have been taken into account in the design and implementation of new programs;
•  Examine carefully how obligated funds have been used by USAID and its implementing partners at both the prime and subprime levels;
•  Assess how the Department of State and USAID are working with Haitian authorities and consulting Haitian grassroots organizations in the design and implementation of aid programs.

Can the displaced, women, children and others count on Representative _________ to support  and vote for the Assessing Progress in Haiti Act and to organize hearings on where did the money go?

Reframing Haiti’s National Security Policy By Stanley Lucas

Historic Context

Since the founding of the Republic of Haiti in 1804, our country has had a proud tradition of a professional defense force capable of securing our national borders and defending our sovereignty.  In 1959, that changed when the Duvalier regime corrupted and politicized the army turning it into a destabilizing force, predatory upon our people.  Jean Bertrand Aristide tried the same in the 1990’s; however, he failed and requested foreign military occupation of the country and dissolved the army. 

It was as a result of the actions of the Duvalier and Aristide dictatorship that our army descended into 40 years of chaos and corruption turning against its own people.  In 1994, for myriad complex political justifications, former President Aristide chose to disband our army rather than reform and professionalize our military service.  Haiti fared no better with the absence of a military force.  In its absence, politically organized gangs have threatened the citizens, drug trafficking has burgeoned and our borders have been breached without recourse.  Without a military, our country was unable to operate in the wake of the tragic January 12, 2010 earthquake and was forced to rely upon the U.S. military to stabilize our country.

We now have an opportunity to reframe our national security policy and ensure that we never return to that state of affairs.  We must ensure that we honor the founders of our Republic, Jean Jacques Dessalines and Toussaint Louverture, who both used the army to secure freedom and liberty for our people and champion those values worldwide.  In fact, Haitian soldiers fought alongside the Bolivars to secure freedom throughout Latin America; and they fought alongside American soldiers in Savannah, Georgia to overthrow colonial rule.  Haiti has made an indelible historic contribution to the cause of freedom and liberty.  

Under the Martelly Administration, Haiti can reclaim its national sovereignty and restore a professional, modernized Territorial Defense Force.  Haiti's defense policy can be strategic and comprehensive focused on protecting and preserving our national interests.  We can strengthen our existing defense institutions and leave behind a legacy of a functioning defense apparatus for the next Administration breaking the cycle of failed leadership.  

Principle-Based Policy

First, we need to ground our defense policy in a core set of universally accepted principles:  

• Safeguard the National Interests and Sovereignty of Haiti.  Haiti can reclaim its ability to defend its borders from external threats.  As such, Haiti should establish a Territorial Defense Force in the interest of defending the borders and supporting our nation in times of disaster.  The United Nations force, known as MINUSTAH, is currently supposed to be providing this function but has not met expectations.  Further, MINUSTAH is technically an occupation of our country and a violation of our national sovereignty.  We should work with the United Nations to redefine our Framework of Cooperation to drawdown their forces in a timely manner and encourage those resources to be channeled into a new Haitian-led Territorial Defense Force.

• Promotion and Defense of Freedom and Human Dignity Worldwide.  Haiti was founded upon the principles of freedom and human dignity when in 1804 our forefathers overthrew a colonial power to achieve freedom from slavery making Haiti the world’s first black republic.  In keeping with our proud history, we must champion, support and defend freedom and liberty worldwide.  This principle should serve as the foundation upon which all policy decisions are conceived.

• Support for Our Allies.   Haiti has strategically important allies throughout the world.  We have heavily relied upon the support of the international community for aid and provision of social services.  In fact, foreign aid comprises 75% of our national budget.  Where our interests align, we must actively support and engage our allies positioning Haiti as a trusted ally and champion of freedom.  In support of this principle, our Defense Force should seek to build strategic partnerships with our allies seeking support for the relaunch of our defense capabilities and ensuring that all allies understand the purpose for the new force.

Current Threats

Haiti has limited international threats given its weakened economic position globally.  The threat of international invasion is low.  Haiti lacks resources or strategic positioning to be a primary global target for invasion and has solid international relationships to protect against that threat.  Rather, threats to Haiti are primarily criminal and environmental.   

• Drug Trafficking:  Our primary threat is drug trafficking.  According to recent reports, approximately 78% of the cocaine entering Haiti in transit to the United States is coming from Venezuela and the rest from Colombia. Drug trafficking is destabilizing for a country that is trying to build its democratic institutions. Under the Aristide regime Lavalas party members, the head of the President security, the Lavalas President of the Senate, several of Aristide’s police chiefs and his associate kingpin Jacques Beaudouin Ketant are all heavily involved in the drug trade. The marijuana traffic between Haiti and Jamaica is bringing arms in the country as well. As a result of these illegal activities and economic power, drug dealers have penetrated the banking system and various areas of the economy thus influencing elections, the justice system, the police, parliament and the executive branches.

• Political Gangs:  They are again organizing to promote political chaos and undermine this Administration.  Under a group called the Ghetto Reunis former kidnappers and political gangs are planning disorder. They have burned several public markets (Tabarre, Croix des Missions and Gonaives) and two camps in order to push merchants who lost their goods to protest in the streets. They are working to create a destabilizing political campaign of violence against the population in an attempt to intimidate the Administration and undermine reform.

• The former Haitian Military:  Illegally disbanded in 1995 by former President Aristide, the force remained a legal institution according to our constitution. During his campaign, candidate Martelly promised to build a modern army capable of answering to the needs of the country.  Recent polls showed that 98% of Haitian supports the build up of a Haitian Defense Force.  On November 18, 2011, President Martelly announced that the army would be reconstituted. Since then, some members of the former military have entered various bases asking the President to keep his promise and requesting overdue salaries and benefits. However, cabinet members have deemed their actions to be illegal.  While the Martelly administration is trying to peacefully resolve this issue the Minister of Defense has yet to issue a policy on how the Defense Force will be built and if some of the former military -- after proper vetting and evaluation -- will be integrated into the new force. 

• Natural Disasters:  Haiti’s most destabilizing security threat comes from its geographical location.  Located on three earthquake fault lines and in a hurricane corridor, Haiti must be prepared to cope with natural disasters and emergencies.

    •    Viruses and Bacteria:  Viruses and bacteria are major threats to Haitian agriculture and therefore the economy and political infrastructure.  In a country with no healthcare infrastructure and subsistence farming, Haiti is particularly vulnerable to viruses and bacteria that can devastate the people and the economy furthering our dependence on international assistance and predatory foreign profiteers.  Often, foreign profiteers will increase the price of food to levels that become unaffordable for Haitians, who will take to the streets in protest resulting in an unstable political situation. 

In 2007, the avian flu virus killed 65% of Haiti’s chicken production with a direct impact on both the chicken and egg markets, two products consumed heavily by Haitians. For the past nine years three different viruses are killing banana trees, coconut trees and coffee. These have a huge economic impact on the famers, the agriculture and the economy of the country.  Haiti is forced to import these agricultural products, chicken and eggs from the Dominican Republic furthering our dependence on that country. 

The Nepalese soldiers of the United Nations Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) introduced a devastating cholera outbreak to the country by contaminating the main rivers of Haiti (Riviere de Mirebalais and the Artibonite River) with the cholera bacteria. That bacterium killed 100,000 people and infected thousands of Haitians. It is estimated that it will cost $1.5 billion to cure the people infected and clean the country from that bacteria.  Clearly Haiti does not have the financial resources to do that further putting the country in a weakened position.

While these are our primary immediate security threats, we do have international threats that merit close and careful monitoring as well as bilateral or multilateral collaboration.

• Dominican Republic:  While relations are the most stable they have been in decades, there are many imbalances that need to be addressed comprehensively.  From a security standpoint, the Dominican military has been acting aggressively at our borders, violating Haitian human rights and, in some cases, crossing the border illegally.  They have also been strengthening their military building up a capability that far surpasses our own.  It is clear that they constitute a military threat – although not imminent – given the dramatic imbalance.  The perception in Haiti is that there is a sector of the international community that is supporting that hegemonic policy of the DR toward the first black republic of the world. This sector is working hard to sneak in Dominican soldiers and policemen into MINUSTAH. That would be unacceptable for 100% of the Haitian people. Launching our own Defense Force will contribute to rebalancing the relationship and addressing this national security shortcoming.

• MINUSTAH:  The UN has a vested interest in maintaining the MINUSTAH force:  it is a source of extensive funding.  The 2010 budget for MINUSTAH was $864 million.  They have been largely ineffective in their mandate to professionalize the police and have been an outright threat in many instances to the Haitian people.

• Foreign Profiteers:  There is a network of foreign profiteers operating in Haiti in alliance with the Groupe de Bourdon, Haiti’s corrupt business cartel supported by Lavalas anarchists which has become the most politically and economically destabilizing force in Haiti.  This network of profiteers is comprised of foreign politicians, NGO representatives, government officials and business representatives all seeking to cash in on Haiti’s aid.  They secure the aid money and contracts with a generous cut for their operating expenses and deliver no results for the people.  Less then one cent from every dollar actually goes to the Haitian government and there is almost no consultation with the Haitian government on how the money is spent.  In fact, the Haitian government has been unable to obtain basic information about how much aid money has been spent on what programs and how those programs and providers were selected.  They have now set their sites on the recently discovered USD$30 billion gold mines as well as the potential oil reservoir of Haiti. This is basic information.  Those who raise questions about the money and where it went have been politically and personally threatened, myself included.  

A New Framework

In order to effectively meet these challenges, the Haitian defense team should be reorganized into six discreet organizations with clear lines of responsibility.

• National Security Council

The National Security Council should be housed in the Office of the President as the primary advisory panel to the President on all domestic and international security issues.  The President will be the Chairman of the Council with the Prime Minister and Minister of Defense as Vice Chairmen.  In addition, Council members will include a representative from each of the following organizations: Ministries of the Interior, Justice, Foreign Affairs and the Haitian National Police, Territorial Defense Force, and the Intelligence Service.

• Haitian National Police

The HNP will continue to serve as our primary domestic security force. The HNP is comprised of 14,000 police officers poorly trained and equipped and does not cover Haiti’s 140 municipalities. They should be professionalized, depoliticized and properly equipped. 

• Territorial Defense Force of Haiti

Under the Ministry of Defense, the Territorial Defense Force of Haiti (TDFH) should be launched on November 18, 2012, Bataille de Vertieres holiday.  The new force should be comprised of 3,500 troops to be trained as a modern military protection force.  The primary role of the Force should be:

• Protect and defend the nation’s borders;
• Combat drug trafficking; and
• Provide emergency and disaster response and management.

Proven perpetrators of atrocities and human rights violations under the former army will not be admitted.  Anyone found of illegal actions will not receive back salaries or pensions.  

• TDFH Corps of Engineers

Haiti should establish a public engineering, design and construction management agency.  The Corps’ mission should be to provide public engineering services in peace and war to strengthen the nation's security, promote economic development, provide vital public works projects for social advancement, protect the environment and ecosystem of the country, and reduce risks from disasters.  

To that end, the Corps’ mandate should be:

• Plan, design, build, and operate dams, bridges and irrigation systems. Other civil engineering projects will include flood control, beach nourishment, and dredging for waterway navigation.
• Design and construct flood protection systems.
• Design and construct defense facilities for the Territorial Defense Force, Intelligence Services, x, and the Haitian National Police.  
• Develop and implement environmental and ecosystem restoration projects.

• Ministere de l’Interieur et de la Protection Civile

Haiti lies on three known earthquake fault lines and in a major hurricane corridor.  In October 7, 2002, the Bureau of Mines issued a report to the Aristide Administration stating with certainty that Haiti would face an earthquake in the near future.  Nothing was done to address that risk.  In 2008, Haiti faced a devastating hurricane season.  Nothing was done to prepare and plan for that weather system.  In 2010, Haiti faced the most serious earthquake in its history resulting in one of the most serious humanitarian crises of the decade.  Our government was completely unable to respond to or manage that crisis calling in foreign militaries and agencies to stabilize our country and pick up the pieces.

Haiti must revamp and professionalize its emergency management and disaster response capabilities.  The primary purpose of Secretariat d’Etat de la Protection Civile within the Ministry of the Interior is to coordinate the response to a disaster that overwhelms the resources of local and departmental authorities.  The delegue of the department in which the disaster occurs must declare a state of emergency and formally request from the president that Secretariat d’Etat de la Protection Civile and the government respond to the disaster. 

Response capabilities should be divided into five categories:

• Disaster Medical Assistance Teams:  This group should be comprised of doctors, nurses, paramedics, veterinarians, pharmacists, morticians, and forensic scientists to provide medical care at disaster scenes.  

• Disaster Medical Systems:  This group should be comprised of hospital administrators, pharmacists and representatives of the Ministry of Health to mobilize resources in disasters.

• Epidemic and Pandemic Disease Containment:  This group should be comprised of epidemiologists, doctors, hospital administrators, pharmacists, and representatives of the Ministry of Health to contain and treat the outbreak of communicable diseases.  This group could also contain an international outreach and coordination team that will work with counterparts around the world to contain disease outbreak.

• Search and Rescue Team:  Search and rescue teams should be comprised of police and defense force personnel to rescue victims from structural collapses, confined spaces, and other disasters.  This team should also build international support networks.

• Mobile Emergency Response Support (MERS):  The vehicle provides communications support after a major hurricane.  These teams provide communications support to local public safety. For instance, they may operate a truck with satellite uplink, computers, telephone and power generation at a staging area near a disaster so that the responders can communicate with the outside world. There are also Mobile Air Transportable Telecommunications System (MATTS) assets, which can be airlifted in. Also portable cell phone towers can be erected to allow local responders to access telephone systems.  

• Intelligence Service

The primary purpose of the nation’s intelligence service should be to gather information relating to domestic and international security threats to Haiti to inform policy makers on critical domestic and foreign policy issues.

Parliament will have to pass legislation to provide for the national security of the country and ensure this strategy becomes real.  In addition, parliament should pass legislation to guarantee that resources from private donations to NGOs, international aid and cooperation, private investments and the exploitation of Haiti’s gold and diamond mines as well as oil benefit both investors and the Haitian people.

The International Community

Haiti will need a cohesive and comprehensive strategy to secure the necessary international support for this initiative.  

• Ensure Support From the TDFH from Traditional Allies:  Haiti needs to define the establishment of the force as part of an overall defense strategy and an effort to reclaim sovereignty and build internal capacity.  There are several international allies that will be willing to help and support this domestic goal.

• Renegotiate UN Framework:  MINUSTAH is spending around $864 million yearly in Haiti without having a net positive impact on the country. The mandate of the mission should be refocused to an exit strategy to allow serious security institutional building to strengthen Haitian security capabilities like what happened with the U.S. military in Iraq to facilitate an organized and orderly departure of MINUSTAH.

• Effectively Convey Haiti’s Rationale.  A network of political opponents has already begun a public relations campaign, particularly in the U.S., to undermine the establishment of the TDFH.  They have a well-worn and very weak argument.  Haiti’s rationale for relaunching the force is eminently defensible with the facts, but a well-funded and savvy team of lobbyists is undermining those facts.  The Haitian government needs to clearly convey its rationale.

The Rationale

Getting lost in the overall debate is the Haitian Government’s rationale for launching such a defense force.  Therefore, I would like to provide a simple, concise outline of why the establishment of the defense force is actually a top priority for Haiti:

• This is the will of the Haitian people:  On the campaign trail, citizens raised the issue of the Defense Force repeatedly with President Martelly, which prompted him to include it in his platform.  The launch of this Force is a direct response to the request and will of the Haitian people who have been far too long marginalized from the political process.  Currently, more than 96% of the people support the idea. 

• The MINUSTAH has failed to produce results and has become a destabilizing force:  Over the past seven years, the MINUSTAH has received more than $3.5 billion in funding.  We can hardly see any of the lasting impact or results of that investment.  MINUSTAH’s track record has been plagued by scandal after scandal.  There was a sex scandal involving Uruguayan and Nepalese soldiers; their responsibility for introducing cholera into the country after the earthquake resulting in the deaths of 10,000 Haitians and 500,000 illnesses; involvement in a murder; business scandals and corruption; and most recently, the rape of a 17 year old man caught on video tape for which the offenders were not immediately punished but only extradited to their home country.  They have become a destabilizing force and there is growing fear amongst the Haitian population.

• Actions of the military under previous dictatorships should be factored into the launch of a new force, but are not a reason to undermine the establishment of a modern protection force in Haiti:  Many people are arguing that Haiti’s previous dictatorships politicized the army and it became an uncontrollable and corrupt force. There were actually many reasons for the disbanding of the military in 1994 by Aristide, and many in fact were more political than security related. But Haiti has not fared well in the absence of a military either.  Gangs proliferated and drug trafficking burgeoned. We should also remember that Haiti’s military history is not all bad.  There are few militaries in the world that have a spotless record.  But Haiti’s military has some remarkable triumphs as well.  Overthrowing colonial forces being chief among them.  And, supporting other nation’s in their quest for freedom and liberty.  Haiti’s troops supported Bolivar in his quest to liberate Latin America.  Haiti’s troops fought alongside Americans in Savannah, Georgia in their quest for independence from colonial power.  We can hardly judge our military history based only on the tragic events under the Duvalier dictatorship.

• In fact, the building and professionalization of an army in transition countries, is a standard practice – so why would there be a double standard in Haiti?  The US military strategy in Iraq and Afghanistan included building and training modern armies.  After the fall of Pinochet in Chile, they reformed their army, which has been a modern military force which most recently displayed their organization in their 2010 earthquake recovery efforts. Haiti is no less able to overcome a tragic historic episode and build a modern military than these nations and countless others throughout the world that have overcome their historic precedents.

• The HNP is incapable of managing Haiti’s current threats:  Outgoing MINUSTAH commander, General Elito, said in 2005 year that even if Haiti were to train an addition 30.000 police officers, the HNP would be incapable of providing for the domestic security.  Further, a modern military provides services beyond policing.

• Haiti was incapable of responding to a major natural disaster, a traditional role of the military throughout the world.  In the wake of the 2010 earthquake, we were unable to respond in any way to the disaster.  The US military had to come in and manage our ports and airports, conduct search and rescue missions, and provide air support for food delivery and immediate medical assistance.  This is not sustainable for a country that is located in a major hurricane corridor and lies on three earthquake fault lines.  We must have our own capabilities.  And, these capabilities throughout the world are performed by the military.

• Launching our own defense force is more cost effective and can address some immediate employment challenges.  We would envision hiring and providing training to 3,500 young Haitians.  Unemployment in our country among youth is 70%.  This is also an effective and immediate jobs program. Further, the international community (tax payer dollars) pays almost a billion dollars annually to support the UN defense force.  We estimate that the train and run our army, we will need a $200 million budget.

• Most importantly, we are a sovereign and free country.  Why wouldn’t we have our own protection forces?  Why wouldn’t Haiti have the right to defend its borders?  There is no defensible reason to justify denying Haiti the right to defend itself and exercise its sovereignty.

Clinton Appointment as Special Envoy Stuns Haitians by Stanley Lucas

The appointment of former President Bill Clinton as UN special envoy to Haiti this week stunned people in country and has sparked some debate about the former President’s role. ---------------------------------------------------------

UN deputy spokeswoman Marie Okabe announced on May 19 that President Clinton would "help to jump start social and economic recovery efforts in Haiti" and "focus attention on the importance of new partnerships and efforts among the private sector, civil society and donors as well as strengthen local capacity." She added that the post, which is not a "full-time job," would be similar to Clinton's previous service as UN special envoy for the 2004 tsunami recovery in Asia. -----------------------------------------------------------------

This appointment has the potential to be a great positive for Haiti. No one in the world has a higher profile than President Clinton. Appointing someone of his stature to this position sends a strong message that Haiti’s recovery is a priority to the UN. Through the establishment of the Clinton Global Initiative (CGI), the former President has become a dominant figure in philanthropy, social responsibility and development projects globally. Only Bono matches Clinton’s philanthropic prowess. Clinton’s organization has led the effort to integrate the private sector into development activities through "Commitments to Action" that translate into real dollars and real business opportunities. The CGI website announces that "members have made more than 1,400 commitments valued at $46 billion, which have already improved more than 200 million lives in 150 countries." ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

President Clinton bringing his resources, experience and attention to Haiti will certainly impact the country’s development. And, there is no shortage of development projects in Haiti that could benefit from attention. Virtually every sector of the economy is need of development. The meaningfulness of the impact, however, and whether it will strengthen Haiti will rely on how he leverages his role and implements the projects. For example, details such as how funding will be disbursed. Will funding go through Haitian ministries, the CGI, or another platform created by Clinton and his colleagues? How will projects be selected? Andrew Natsios outlined nine principles for reconstruction and development in 2005. These serve as the foundation for USAID’s work internationally and many other organizations. Will Clinton’s plans follow these principles or other clearly defined principles? Most importantly, though, will Haitians (in-country and Diaspora) actually benefit from this involvement? Will they own projects and be responsible for implementation? This will be key to building capacity in-country. ---------------------------------------------------------------------

There are two significant challenges that the former President will face in his efforts that are worth noting. First, the abysmal and unpredictable security situation in Haiti presents a major obstacle to the functioning of any development project. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The second significant challenge is the "hearts and minds" of the Haitian people. Many Haitians still harbor bad feelings about the 1994 military intervention by the Clinton Administration. The invasion resulted in a redoubling of then President Aristide’s reign of terror and corruption – and Haitians suffered tremendously. Returning Aristide to power proved disastrous for the country. According to Haiti's General Accounting Office Aristide stole more than US$350 million dollars from the country’s coffers over nine years. While Clinton focused on democracy and development, Aristide focused on his own corrupt agenda and turned out to be a dictator. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


A concerning political situation is surfacing again with the Preval Administration and hopefully history will not repeat itself. In three year since taking office, the Preval Administration has failed to institutionalize democracy or to address meaningfully any priorities of the Haitian people (security, job creation, education, health care, agriculture, and free and fair elections). Rather, Preval’s agenda has been focused on centralizing power and creating a one-party rule. Preval no doubt hopes that access to lucrative business deals for President Clinton and his colleagues will distract the international community’s attention away from serious misconduct, including manipulation of elections results, illegal amendments to the constitution that allow him to retain power or hand pick a successor. Preval has the power to award contracts for the operation of the national port, the airport and the telecommunications system. The Group the Bourdon, a corrupt and informal alliance of Haitian business leaders close to the Administration, will likely be the real winners. -----------------------------------------------------------------------------

This dynamic presents a significant challenge. If President Clinton was perceived as wading into Haitian domestic politics to favor or facilitate one side of the political spectrum, he may encounter resistance the people he is trying to help. During my weekly radio interviews, I have fielded many angry calls from people who are still outraged about the 1994 invasion. They recall personal stories of suffering brought about by that decision. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Overall, this appointment is likely to be a net positive for the country, but it will require a careful strategy focused on navigating the political situation while keeping a sharp focus on clearly defined development goals and project criteria. Certainly, the former President has a great amount of influence in the bilateral relationship given his Hilary Clinton’s role as Secretary of State and the placement of Clinton protégés in key positions, such as CIA director and the Assistant Secretary of State for the Western Hemisphere. However, it is likely that he will refrain from getting involved in politics, especially given his wife’s role and his dedication to building CGI. Let us hope for the best.

US Policy Toward Haiti: Stanley Lucas' response to Paul Farmer and Brian Concannon

US policy toward Haiti is important and has not always been perfect. There is much blame to be placed on the US government, but we should also look at the Haitian government's role in that failure. Haitian leaders have missed several important opportunities to engage with the US on their own terms and in a strategic way that supports the goals of the country. Of course, to do that the Haitian government would need to have a clear plan for development which, unbelievably, it still lacks despite being the poorest country in the Western hemisphere made even poor by serious and devastating storms that hit the country over the summer. The Preval Administration has not taken the lead in outlining Haiti's vision for engagement with the US and where the government could use assistance. To my knowledge, they haven't even engaged the new Administration yet. Both Democrats and Republicans have made significant mistakes and the authors Paul Farmer and his associate Brian Concannon should attempt to be more objective rather than being blatantly partisan because there is no role for US partisan politics in this debate.  

While US policy is important, it does not make or break Haiti. It cannot save us and it cannot destroy us. Furthermore, the US is not and should not be our only ally or aid provider. We should be engaging France, Germany, the UK, others. Haitians are a proud, hardworking and dedicated people who have been failed by their leadership for the past forty years...the Duvaliers, military rulers, Aristide, and now, sadly, Preval. Haitians have taken heart in Obama's declaration that his Administration will judge foreign leaders by what they build, not what they destroy. Haitians want accountability and see an opportunity for the US to help them fight one of the country's cancer, rampant corruption. 

Finally, I would also like to point out a few factual errors in this article. We can't of course have a good debate on issues if we aren't grounded in the facts.

First, the sanctions on Haiti were imposed by the Clinton administration in November 2000 not the Bush administration, please refer to the following link http://articles.latimes.com/2000/sep/06/news/mn-16277 Clinton was frustrated that Aristide did not keep his promises to rule Haiti democratically and provide economic opportunities to the people. Aristide, like his predecessors, turned into a dictator. Aristide even said on Haitian radio if Clinton did not do what he wanted, he would black mail him. Until today, nobody understands what he met by that.

Second, some oped writers of the U.S. press like Brian Concannon do not care about Haitian people; rather, they are interested in getting the stipends reinstated that they used to receive from Aristide in exchange for turning a blind eye on the human rights violations. Refer to the following link unfortunately, you will discover the name of one of the authors of this article, Brian Cocannon:  The Wall Street Journal called some of them "the American profiteers" Lucy Komisar a liberal American investigative reporter has documented the corruption in Haiti: Despite the money Aristide spent in Washington to gloss over his killings and corruption, we Haitians know his record well:  

Third, the article mentions people who were killed in 2004. It doesn't mention that those people were killed by gangs organized by Aristide. I invite you to read the reports of the Haitian Platform of Human Rights at:
1. Operation Bagdad http://www.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article5445

2. Operation Bagadad II 

But we need to move forward and identify priorities. I have strongly advocated making remittances up to $1000/mo tax deductible for Haitian Diaspora. We also need to give Haitians TPS -- as has been done for the El Salvadorans -- until immigration reform is finalized. These two steps should be among the top priorities along with examining USAID programs and other aid going to the country. A lot of money is being spent and there is very little to show for it. The Obama Administration will be making a big push into ensuring that money is being spent wisely -- hopefully this will extend to international aid as well.

On a separate note, Paul Farmer has done tremendously valuable work in Haiti on AIDS. He has truly made a contribution to the country and is well respected for that. On the political side, however, there is a popular perception in Haiti that he is using his reputation to promote the political agenda of one man, Aristide.

Change Haiti can believe in by Paul Farmer and Brian Concannon

January 25, 2009 

THE INAUGURATION of a US president committed to reversing "the failed policies of the past" provoked sighs of relief around the world. Few were more relieved than the citizens of Haiti, because few have suffered so much from failed US policies. But Haitians are still waiting to see whether the "past" that is to be reversed extends beyond the illegal and destructive policies of the last eight years to include over two centuries of US policies that have failed both our oldest neighbor and our highest ideals. 

Our treatment of Haiti was bad enough during the Bush administration. We imposed a development assistance embargo in 2001, because we did not like the elected government's economic policies. The embargo stopped urgently needed government programs - a Partners In Health study found that canceling water projects in just one city had a devastating impact on health in the area. In 2004, US officials forced Haiti President Jean-Bertrand Aristide aboard a clandestine flight to Africa and placed a Bush supporter from Florida at the head of Haiti's government. Thousands were killed in the ensuing political violence. Years of hard-won progress toward democracy were erased overnight.

But our mistreatment of Haiti started earlier, as soon as Haiti became independent in 1804, when we refused to even recognize the new republic run by freed slaves. We invaded Haiti in 1915, to ensure repayment of a debt to Citibank. We propped up ruthless dictators in the name of fighting communism. In the 1980's, we decimated Haiti's agricultural base by forcing subsidized US rice on Haitian markets.

These policies failed Haitians terribly. They cost thousands of lives lost in political violence. Millions more suffered because Haiti's governments could not or would not provide clean water and basic healthcare. The policies have also failed the United States, by requiring us to mount expensive military interventions, respond to repeated waves of refugees, and deal with the drugs that transit easily through an unstable Haiti on their way from South America.

Haitians are hoping that America will reverse the failed policies of the past. Their hopes are grounded not just in President Obama's promise, but in their own country's brief, but successful, experiment with democracy from 1994 to 2004, and in America's important contributions to that success.

Haiti's democratic interlude included contested elections, and struggles to provide basic justice, education, and healthcare - the predictable challenges of a poor, emerging democracy. But it also included Haiti's first transfer of power from one elected president to another in February 1996, and its second in February 2001. Democratic progress included extending AIDS retro viral therapy to rural areas that had never before had a simple clinic. It included two historic trials that brought powerful figures from Haiti's former army and current police force to justice.

These successes were due, in part, to US government investments. US troops intervened to restore the constitutional government in 1994. USAID helped craft Haiti's successful application for financing from the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. US judges, prosecutors, and police officers trained their Haitian counterparts, and we helped equip Haitian courts with basic legal resources and materials.

We now have a historic opportunity to work with Haiti's current constitutional government to build a stronger, more prosperous Haiti. Seizing this opportunity will require restraint, and faith in democracy: We will need to allow elected Haitian leaders to make their own policy decisions, even if we would have decided otherwise.We will also need to invest in democracy. Three days' spending in Iraq or two weeks' interest on the bank bailout could fund Haiti's entire government for a year. Prudent, de politicized investments in Haiti's democracy will yield dividends of prosperity and stability to Haiti, and will save US taxpayer dollars in the long run by reducing the flow of refugees and drugs to our shores. Perhaps most important, by helping rebuild a better Haiti, we will show the world how, in President Obama's words, "we are ready to lead once more."

Paul Farmer, MD, is Presley professor of social medicine at Harvard Medical School and a co-founder of Partners In Health. Brian Concannon Jr. is director of the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti.

Haiti: Facts and Foreign Occupation - Liste des Demandes Officielles d'Occupation d'Haiti by (par) Stanley Lucas

There has always been much debate surrounding the idea of "foreign occupation" in Haiti. Haitians, of course, are opposed to this. And some Haitian leaders capitalize on this opposition by distorting the facts and not taking the responsibility for requesting this support – or, more importantly, contributing the environment where such a need becomes imperative. The fact is that from 1990 to present, the United Nations has deployed at the request of the Haitian government 15 missions to Haiti:

1. Technical assistance requested by president Ertha Pascale Trouillot in 1989 to support the 1990 elections
2. Request for an economic embargo against Haiti by Jean Bertrand Aristide in 1992
3. Aristide request for MICIVIH February 1993 – May 1998
4. U.S. Military intervention requested by Aristide in 1994
5. UNMIH September 1993 – June 1996 requested by Aristide
6. UNSMIH July 1996 – July 1997 
7. UNTMIH August 1997 – November 1997
8. MIPONUH December 1997 – March 2000
9. MICAH March 2000 – Feb. 2001 
10. Aristide request to the Clinton Administration for military intervention in 2000
11. Aristide request to the M'Beki Administration for military presence November 2003
12. Aristide request to the Bush Administration for military intervention January 2004
13. Aristide request to the United Nations in January 2004: MINUSTAH April 2004 – Présent -
14. Aristide request to OAS 2000 – 2007 
15. Aristide request to CARICOM 2001 – 2004

Haiti Les hommes de l'occupant 

Jean Bertrand Aristide le demandeur de l'occupation militaire du 15 Octobre 1994 est reste silencieux ce 15 Octobre 2008, il aurait pu quand meme s'excuser a la nation. Il y a quatorze ans Aristide sollicitait de la Maison Blanche et du Pentagon une intervention militaire en Haiti pour le restaurer au pouvoir. Aristide, en prenant cette decision, ne consulta personne. Il mit de cote la 45e legislature, les forces politiques du pays dans sa campagne de sollicitation de l'occupation. Il mit aussi de cote ses allies politiques opposes a cette demande. A l'epoque Gerard Pierre Charles et Jean Marie Vincent, constituaient le front interne contre le coup d'etat militaire, ils etaient opposes a l'intervention militaire etrangere. Ils pensaient pouvoir reinstaller l'ordre democratique en Haiti sans occupation. Aristide voulait l'intervention, resultat Jean Marie Vincent fut assassine. 



A Washington Aristide accelera le processus de demande d'occupation avec le support de l'americain noir Randall Robinson. Robinson organisa une greve de faim devant la maison blanche pour pressurer le president Clinton. En appui a la greve de Robinson Aristide fera distribuer de l'argent en Haiti pour construire des bateaux charges de debarquer des boat people sur les plages de la Floride et forcer la main de Bill Clinton. Cette politique de boat people preparee et financee par Aristide depuis Washington etait coordonnee en Haiti par le maire de Delmas de l'epoque, Patrick Norzeus, qui avait les fonds d'Aristide en main. Cette operation d'Aristide debarqua 30.000 refugies en une semaine sur les palges de la Floride. A New York a l'epoque je regardais sur ma television les images dramatiques de mes freres Haitiens perissant en haute mer sur CNN -------------------------------------------------

L'Ambassade d'Haiti a Washington entre temps payait des journalistes pour publier des articles prepares par Aristide. A cause de cette campagne bien orchestree Aristide obtint ce qu'il voulait l'intervention militaire americaine en Haiti le 15 Octobre 1994. Aristide debarqua a Port-au-Prince dans un avion americain, puis fut deverse au palais national par un helicoptere de l'armee americaine. Aristide etait fier de sa performance. Aristide declara plus tard que "li fe yon ti dezod". C'etait la premiere demande d'occupation de Jean Bertrand Aristide. Par la suite Aristide et Preval feront onze demandes d'occupation de 1994 a 2008. Randall Robinson fut recompense par Aristide a travers les millions que recevait sa femme Hazel Robinson de l'etat Haitien. Cliquez ici pour les details: http://www.haitipolicy.org/Lobbying7.htm Le livre de Robinson servira aussi pour la realisation d'un film sur l'histoire d'Haiti paye par Chavez, 30 millions. -------------------------------------------------------------------------

Les Joel Sousou, Jacob, Letitiah Sept Aristide, et les autres faux noms lavalas utilises par Aristide sur l'internet et ce dernier en personne sont restes silencieux ce 15 Octobre 2008, date qui nous fait revivre cette occupation. Les journalistes sont restes silencieux, ils n'ont rien demande a Titid le traitre, l'homme des occupants. Etrange!!! Pour les etudiants un petit rappel des demandes recentes et officielles d'occupations en Haiti. Il y a eu beaucoup de debats autour de l'idee de "l'occupation etrangere" en Haiti. les Haitiens, bien sur, sont opposes a cette idee. Quelques leaders Haitiens pour leur capital politique ont essaye de manipuler les faits pour ne pas assumer la responsabilite d'avoir demande officiellement l'intervention militaire des etrangers en Haiti. Les faits sont que de 1990 a nos jours quatrorze missions etrangeres de formes variees ont ete deployees en Haiti, a chaque fois, a partir d'une requete officielle du Gouvernement Haitien en fonction: -------------------------------------------------------
- Assistance technique des Nations Unies sollicitee par le president Ertha Pascale Trouillot en 1989 pour supporter l'organisation des elections elections de 1990 ------

- Demande de l'imposition d'un embargo economique des Nations Unies sur Haiti sollicitee par le president Jean Bertrand Aristide en 1991 ---------------------------------

Demande de l'envoi d'une mission des Nations Unies,MICIVIH, en Haiti sollicitee par le president Jean Bertrand Aristide Fevrier 1993 a Mai 1998 -------------------------

Demande d'intervention militaire des Etats Unis en Haiti sollicitee par le president Jean Bertrand Aristide en Septembre 1994 ------------------------------------------------

Requete d'une mission militaire des Nations Unies,UNMIH, en Haiti sollicitee par le president Jean Bertrand Aristide Septembre 1993 qui a termine sa mission en Juin 1996 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Requete d'une mission militaire des Nations Unies en Haiti,UNSMIH, sollicitee par le president Rene Preval Juillet 1996 a Juillet 1997 ---------------------------------------

Requete d'une mission militaire des nations Unies en Haiti,UNSMIH, sollicitee par le president Rene Preval UNTMIH Aout 1997 a Novembre 1997 ---------------------------

Requete d'une mission militaire des Nations Unies en Haiti,UNSMIH, sollicitee par le president Rene Preval MIPONUH Decembre 1997 a Mars 2000 ----------------------

Requete d'une mission militaire des Nations Unies en Haiti,UNSMIH, sollicitee par le president Rene Preval MICAH, Mars 2000 a Fevrier. 2001 ---------------------------

Requete d'intervention d'Aristide a l'administration Clinton, les huit points, sollicitee par Jean Bertrand Novembre 2000 --------------------------------------------------------

Requete d'une mission militaire des Etats Unis en Haiti sollicitee par le president Jean-Bertrand Aristide Janvier 2004 ------------------------------------------------------

Requete d'une mission militaire des Nations Unies en Haiti sollicitee par le president Jean Bertrand Aristide Janvier 2004 MINUSTAH April 2004 a nos jours ; -------------

Aristide a aussi sollicite l'intervention de l'OEA 2000 a 2007 , toujours en Haiti-------

Aristide a sollicite l'intervention de la CARICOM 2001 a 2004 ---------------------------

A CALL FOR U.S. AID FOR HAITI HURRICANE RELIEF: THE PRESIDENT AND THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES

HELP: Making remittances to Haiti tax deductible by Stanley Lucas, September 25, 2008 ---------------------------------------------------------------------

Dear Members of Congress:

We were delighted and moved by the efforts on behalf of Congressional leaders to provide US support to Haiti's hurricane relief efforts. We appreciate that so many Members considered the proposals that were outlined in my September 9 letter, and that so many Members took action. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Special appreciation goes to Representative Engel, who organized a hearing on the situation in Haiti providing a better understanding of the dimension of the challenges that lie ahead for Haiti. Representative Burton's expression of support during those hearings provided much hope for the success of relief efforts. Further, the testimony of the various members of the Congressional Black Caucus, including Representative Kendrick Meeks, was an important expression of support. We also thank Representative Maxine Waters for her letter to the Speaker on behalf of Haiti. We appreciate the support for the $300 million aid package and the TPS supported by 67 Members of Congress.---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

My colleagues in the Haitian Diaspora community have organized a Coalition that will raise a relief fund and organize donations. One additional area where we could use support from Congress is with ensuring that remittances to Haiti be tax deductible for Haitians living in the United States for five years. To ensure that this provision could not be exploited for business transactions, we would propose to limit the monthly tax deductible remittance amount to $750. By way of background, Haitians send almost $1.2 billion a year to their relatives in Haiti, providing a significant source of funds in Haiti. By making remittances tax deductible, we believe that the amount of funds sent to Haiti would double providing a significant source of funding and a significant boost to the Haitian economy. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Thank you again for your support. I would be pleased to meet with you to discuss this idea further and am available at any time to answer questions. I can be reached at (202) 256-6026 or centurionlucas@gmail.com --------------------------------------------------------

Regards, ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Stanley Lucas -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Hurricane Aid Update September 18, 2008 ---------------------------------------

I wanted to take a quick moment to provide an update on the status of the letter that was sent to Congress requesting they support an hurricane relief aid package for Haiti in the amount of $300 million (see letter below posted on this blog). The letter was sent to 80 Members of Congress. -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

On September 11 a letter was sent to the Speaker of the United States House of Representatives Hon. Nancy Pelosi signed by 67 Congressman requesting that Congress provide the aid package. This is certainly good news and substantial progress in a short time. A copy of the letter is posted on my mailing list: http://haitipolitics.googlegroups.com/web/Haiti_Disaster_relief_sign-on_9-11-08%5B1%5D.pdf?gda=u7s3mmIAAABIWwlIrzklQxxRTwUywY0wxXj_PaoNn6FvURkaxnQcMtfvvTLtrqA6wak0H0hwPpoQY49of_q6VviihkaCtkvngJ_9uaSXPmtF2Mf0XDlGoFXi7dpriIAjJhAipsb2do-CHqjxxwsG8_oKG53kozMh&hl=fr&hl=fr&gsc=B8l2whYAAAD-TqEH65poAUN8oviKOxhw5QzTRg0a_4LqA7LDDLzsAA . --------------------

Best regards, Stanley LUCAS------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

A CALL FOR U.S. AID FOR HAITI HURRICANE RELIEF:
LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES ----------------------

THE HAITIAN COALITION USA------------------------------------------------------

The Honorable George W. Bush
President of the United States of America
White House
1600 Pensylvania Avenue
Whashington D.C. ----------------September 9, 2008------------------------------

Dear Mr President:---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Haiti has been hit by three devastating hurricanes – Gustav, Hanna and Ike – over the past three weeks. Hurricane Josephine is a continuing source of concern. These hurricanes have brought incalculable devastation to a country that is already the poorest in the Western Hemisphere. Recovery efforts will need your help. After conversations with many organizations on the ground in Haiti, we respectfully request that the Bush Administration consider a special emergency recovery aid package for Haiti in the amount of $300 million. This package is not only key to helping the Haitian citizenry recover from the massive devastation, but will also protect the fragile stability of the country. -------------------------------------------------

Preliminary damage assessments indicate that:-------------------------------------------

- more than 600 people have been killed and 7,500 injured -----------------------------
- nearly 400,000 people have lost everything – their homes and their belonging;------
- an additional 250,000 have severe damage to their homes; ----------------------------
- agricultural fields in the following regions have been destroyed by floods: in various cities in each of the following regions, Artibonite, South, Southeast, North, Northeast, Northwest, Plateau Central, and Nippes;--------------------------------------
- and 35% of the already weak infrastructure in these departments have been destroyed, including two key bridges: Montrouis, and the bridge linking the Central Plateau to the Artibonite.---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

In the short term, Haiti needs emergency humanitarian assistance, including food, medical supplies, water, cots, tents, clothing, and financial assistance. In the past, the United States has deployed hospital ships, delivered food via helicopter, and built provisional bridges. Given the enormous hit to agricultural production, Haiti could use emergency shipments of seeds, agricultural tools, fertilizers, as well as farmer credit assistance. The Haitian Red Cross could also use additional funding. Specifically, Haiti could benefit from: ------------------------------------------------------

Special recovery aid package: Announce a special aid package to help the Western Hemisphere's poorest country recover from this most difficult hurricane season. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI): Encourage Congress to renew the Caribbean Basin Initiative, prior to the September recess, in order to provide a path to more opportunities for a country that needs help desperately. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

International financial institutions: TheAdministration could also provide valuable support by encouraging the international financial institutions – the World Bank, IADB and IMF – to provide loan and debt relief to Haiti.---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

I know that the United States has many urgencies around the world and resources need to be prioritized. Haiti could benefit tremendously from ongoing U.S. support, especially at this critical time. If you have any questions or would like to discuss any of the information in greater depth, I am always available and can be reached at (202) 256-6026.-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Sincerely,-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Stanley Lucas
President
The Haitian Coalition USA
www.solutionshaiti.blogspot.com

A CALL FOR U.S. AID FOR HAITI HURRICANE RELIEF:

LETTER TO THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS ----------------------------------

Dear Members of Congress :-----------------September 9, 2008---------------------

Haiti has been hit by three devastating hurricanes – Gustav, Hanna and Ike – over the past three weeks. Hurricane Josephine is a continuing source of concern. These hurricanes have brought incalculable devastation to a country that is already the poorest in the Western Hemisphere. Recovery efforts will need your help. After conversations with many organizations on the ground in Haiti, we respectfully request that Congress consider a special emergency recovery aid package for Haiti in the amount of $300 million. This package is not only key to helping the Haitian citizenry recover from the massive devastation, but will also protect the fragile stability of the country. ----------------------------------------------------------------------

Preliminary damage assessments indicate that: -------------------------------------------
- more than 600 people have been killed and 7,500 injured------------------------------
- nearly 400,000 people have lost everything – their homes and their belonging;------
- an additional 250,000 have severe damage to their homes; ----------------------------
- agricultural fields in the following regions have been destroyed by floods: in various cities in each of the following regions, Artibonite, South, Southeast, North, Northeast, Northwest, Plateau Central, and Nippes;--------------------------------------
- and 35% of the already weak infrastructure in these departments have been destroyed, including two key bridges: Montrouis, and the bridge linking the Central Plateau to the Artibonite.--------------------------------------------------------------------
In the short term, Haiti needs emergency humanitarian assistance, including food, medical supplies, water, cots, tents, clothing, and financial assistance. In the past, the United States has deployed hospital ships, delivered food via helicopter, and built provisional bridges. Given the enormous hit to agricultural production, Haiti could use emergency shipments of seeds, agricultural tools, fertilizers, as well as farmer credit assistance. The Haitian Red Cross could also use additional funding.
In addition to the tangible recovery support, Congress also can help by shining a spotlight on a country that is often forgotten through several initiatives, including:

Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI): Congress will renew the Caribbean Basin Initiative, prior to the September recess, in order to provide a path to more opportunities for a country that needs help desperately; ---------------------------------
Congressional Delegation: Members could organize a trip to Haiti to witness firsthand the situation on the ground and draw attention to the situation in Haiti.-----
Hearings: Congress could organize a hearing on the impact of the hurricanes on the Caribbean, and Haiti. These hearings could take up some of the longer term issues that could lead to a sustained policy to promote hurricane readiness and build capacity to address the aftermath of the hurricanes. Specific topics that could be examined in such hearings could include: launching training programs for Haiti’s Civil Protection Bureau (tasked with disaster relief); providing micro credit programs aimed at women to help rebuild neighborhoods and homes; exploring USAID-sponsored school rebuilding initiatives for areas that were hardest hit; and a jobs creation program linked with infrastructure building.-------------------------------------
International financial institutions: Congress could also provide valuable support by encouraging the international financial institutions – the World Bank, IADB and IMF – to provide loan and debt relief to Haiti.---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
I know that the United States has many urgencies around the world and resources need to be prioritized. Haiti could benefit tremendously from ongoing U.S. support, especially at this critical time. If you have any questions or would like to discuss any of the information in greater depth, I am always available and can be reached at (202) 256-6026.-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Sincerely,-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Stanley Lucas
The Haitian Coalition USA
www.solutionshaiti.blogspot.com

Eating Mud in Haiti by Stanley Lucas

February 2008

There is nowhere in the world where eating mud for a meal would be acceptable, yet that is exactly what is happening in Haiti. Poverty has reached such a critical level that people have actually taken to eating “mud cookies”, literally mud mixed with a little salt and dried in the sun. This is a national crisis and should be the priority for the Haitian government, but astoundingly, it is not. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Led by President Preval and Prime Minister Alexis, the government has been focused on scuttling efforts to organize overdue Senate elections and amending the Constitution to allow the leadership to remain in office. In the meantime, people are starving – and becoming frustrated.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Members of Parliament have received tremendous pressure from their constituents who are fed up with their poor quality of life in virtually every aspect: lack of security, poor roads, sporadic electricity, no drinking water, political intimidation, corruption, no jobs, no education opportunities, little if any healthcare, and so on. The Preval Administration has neglected to make even a minor improvement in any of these areas. Therefore, the MPs have called for a vote on February 28 on the performance of the Prime Minister which will result in vote of confidence or a vote of no confidence and a sanction, or potentially removal from office. It is hard to imagine what sort of an argument they could develop to convince the people that they should remain in office. There is no record of accomplishments they can point to, nor is there even a serious plan in place to make any critical improvements to the country. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

In the backdrop of this vote is the simmering undercurrent of discontent among the population. Should the results of the February 28 vote be perceived as being manipulated or “bought”, there could be a significant outpouring of discontent and wide scale protests across the country.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
What Haiti does not need is further political chaos. The Preval Administration should meaningful address this situation immediately and treat it like what it is: a crisis. It should be the top concern for the country and all policies should be revamped to reflect this basic priority. Note that in the US, policy radically shifted in the wake of the 9/11 crisis. The US Congress and President came together to put together a plan to eliminate the terrorist threat to the country and US policy in almost every sector was reviewed to take into account this new crisis. Six years later, US policy is still largely driven by national security. Haiti’s poverty and starvation crisis should have the same type of impact on Haitian policies across the board. As the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, this is the crisis for Haiti and should be dealt with as seriously and cohesively as the 9/11 crisis was in the US. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Why are people eating mud?

Poverty is obviously the main reason, but there are several structural issues that have also led to this crisis. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

First, food is just too expensive. Haiti imports more than 75 percent of its food from overseas, and the importation of food products is a monopoly controlled by close friends of President Preval. Therefore, there is no price competition and prices are skyrocketing. In 2006, a bag of rice cost US$90. Today, a bag of rice costs $200. Haitian per capita income is less than US$600, making a bag of rice a serious investment for a Haitian family. On average, the cost of living has increased 35 percent since President Preval and Prime Minister Alexis have taken office, but per capital income remains flat. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Further, this monopoly is indirectly protected by the government through discriminatory practices and abuse of authority. For example, if a company wanted to import and sell flour, they would first have to apply for funds from the banks, which are all controlled by close friends of the current government. Chances are that they will not be able to secure the money through delays or outright rejection on flimsy grounds. If the capital was actually secured, or if the company had enough capital to import food independently, they will certainly encounter exceptionally long delays at customs while their flour rotted on the docks. This happens time and time again giving other companies, often owned by Haitian diaspora who are the most likely to have the means to undertake such activities, a strong signal that Haiti’s food market is not open for business.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Second, the government’s agricultural policy is in shambles. Haitians are abandoning the countryside and moving into Port-au-Prince to take up residence in the cities swelling slum districts. They have no incentive to stay in the countryside and farm so food production has decreased substantially. Even if they did stay in the countryside, there is little arable land due to the abysmal state of the environment and antiquated methods of farming. The country needs to investment in modernizing agriculture and creating jobs in this sector.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
There is no reason that the country should have to import 75 percent of its food. Each year, Haiti imports almost US$400 million in food products from the Dominican Republic and more from the United States. These crops could be grown in Haiti if the proper policies were in place to encourage agricultural growth. Considering the annual budget of Haiti is US$2 billion, it is obvious what an impact it would make in the economy for Haiti to not have to import that food from the Dominican Republic.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Further, the Preval Administration has left several other opportunities on the table. The HOPE legislation has made limited – if any – impact on the economy. Haiti was completely left out of the CAFTA agreement with the US while our neighbors in the Dominican Republic were able to leverage the opportunity and participate in the trade incentives and economic development opportunities that agreement provides. The entire Latin American and Caribbean region is maximizing the new movement toward biofuels and ethanol. Any efforts in Haiti to capitalize on this promising new sector have been thwarted by the Administration’s inability to develop a plan for the country, and further by the seizure of state lands by close associates of the Preval Administration effectively keeping out any potential foreign investors or local entrepreneurs.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The third reason is the more fundamental problem of poverty. There are no jobs and the economy is one of the worst performing in the world. The Preval Administration has failed to outline any feasible plan for economic development or attracting any investment.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The bottom line is that the country’s leadership has not provided any solutions or relief. By no stretch of the imagination can anyone assert that the Preval Administration has made any progress on economic development. There is no infrastructure to attract investment. There is no economic policy to develop Haiti’s potential. Haiti has not participated in the world’s economic growth boom or even in the regions major sources of economic growth such as light manufacturing, tourism, or biofuels. Countries such as China and India which have dealt with these challenges on a much more massive scale have made remarkable and historic strides in lifting record numbers or people out of poverty. These countries are focusing on how to get to the next rung on the development ladder. Even the Dominican Republic is moving up a rung from basic manufacturing to taking on manufacturing of more complex technology products. And Haiti remains stagnant unable to even reach the first rung. ------------------------------------------------------------------

What should be done now?

We need to start back at the basics. In the short term, the Haitian government needs to first ensure that the agricultural sector is an free and open market allowing competition. Second, the government needs to develop a real agricultural policy and an emergency anti-poverty policy. Concurrent with these urgent actions, we need to develop a real economic policy that takes into account: revising regulations to attract investment and encourage private business; investing in education and an infrastructure; supporting agricultural reform, and virtually every other aspect of economic development. Jobs in the agricultural sector are possible. Jobs in light manufacturing are possible. But not when opportunities are left on the table due to a preoccupation with maintaining power coupled with a complete lack of planning.