Kòb Petrokaribe : Dimitri Vorbe mawon pou li pa fè deba ak Stanley Lucas sou Scoop FM

Pran san’w li analiz sa, pou’w kapab komprann defi kap tann nou tout nan 12 mwa kap vini yo la. Dimitri Vorbe te monte nan emisyon Sa Kap Kwuit pou fè divèsyon ak nom mwen pou pèp la pa wè ki kantite kob petrokaribe e lajan taks leta ki nan men li. Mwen te reponn li, klike la a

: https://www.facebook.com/StanleylucasHaiti/videos/338716500037829/

 

Devan volim manti kifèt mwen te mande jounalis Garry Pierre Paul Charles yon deba sou Scoop FM pou tou moun kapab wè klè nan dosye Petrokaribe a. Depi lè sa Dimitri Vorbe bay Garry gwo presyon pou dikte koman deba sa dwe fèt. Finalman Garry Pierre Paul Charles anile deba sa nan sèvi a ekzijans Dimitri Vorbe fè. Vorbe mande fòk mwen fisikman prezan. Demand Dimitri a etranj ampil pou 2 rezon. Premye a se pa yon match bòks ou tenis kote fòk jwè yo prezan. Se yon fas a fas radyo. Jodia nan mond lan 89% entèvenan yo nan radyo e nan televizyon pa prezan nan stidyo. Depi w gade CNN wap wè sa. Dayè mwen fè plizyè fas a fas konsa nan Scoop ; yon bò mwen fè deba pa telefonn ak Andre Michel sou Scoop e yon lot bò ak Moise Jean Charles se te nan telefon tou. Dezyèm rezon ki fè sa etranj se ensistans Dimitri pou mwen la fizikman. Li tèlman ensiste ke li potre yon nèg kap pare anbiskad. Eske nou sonje jan nèg sa yo te pare anbiskad e touye Robert Marcelo pou 80 milyon dola petrokaribe ? Pou dekouvri kapasite violans mesye sa yo nan abiskad e touye moun klike la : https://www.facebook.com/StanleylucasHaiti/videos/1094695657233347/  Prekosyon pa kapon sitou lè w gade jan nèg yo tire lidè RDNP a Eric Jean Baptiste maten an. Jodia 1 Oktob 2018 Dimitri mawon deba sou kot kob petrokaribe sou Scoop FM. Mwen mande tout moun konstate sa.

Dimitri Vorbe, ak tout klik ki nan ekip li a, fonksyone menm jan ak yon mafia ki enfiltre nan yon seri de gran pwojè leta, kote k genyen anpil milyon dola k ap brase. Kijan sa mache ? Ekip piyajè sa a, mete moun pa yo nan gwo djòb leta, yo trafike de gwo kontra nan enterè poch yo, de kontra ki « irevokab ». Lè yo kòmanse demaske yo, yo chanje non, yo chanje po tankou zonyon. Lè ou demontre manigans yo, yo defann tèt yo ak plizyè taktik : swa yo voye labou sou ou di se pwopagann w ap fè, swa yo chèche achte w, swa yo chèche eliminen w, asasine w.

Pou analiz la kapab klè Stanley Lucas pa janm jere ni lajan Petrokaribe ni lajan leta nan vi li. Noumenm, n ap goumen sou dosye Petrokaribe depi anvan otorite Lespwa-Inite ki te kontrole leta te touye Robert Marcelo pou 80 milyon dola ameriken Petrokaribe an 2009. Pou moun ki bliye yo, gade :1. Klike la : http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2009/01/haiti-bilan-2008-par-stanley-lucas.html

2. klike la : http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/01/haiti-bilan-2009-une-decennie-ratee-par.html   

Taktik zonyon : magouyè chanje po chak fwa yo dekouvri yo

Nan jwèt politik malouk e brital pou piye pèp la, reyaksyonè ki mèt k ap kontrole jwèt politik la koken mastèbrenn ampil. Yo kache dèyè e sèvi ak kèk nèg klas mwayènn e katye popilè pou bay peyi a ak pèp la ampil move kou. Y ap fè sa depi lontan e se move kou sa yo ki detrui peyi dayiti. Chak fwa pèp la dekouvri yo, yo chanje nom. Yo te komanse ak lavalas, lè pèp la dekouvri granmanjè, dwog dilè, kidnapè e asasen yo, yo chanje nom yo tounen Lespwa, klike la : http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2009/01/le-parti-fanmi-lavalas-vit-du-crime.html   

Lè pèp la dekouvri magouyè ak granmanjè Lespwa yo chanje nom an anko e pran nom Inite, klike la : http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/01/haiti-bilan-2009-une-decennie-ratee-par.html   Pi devan lè pèp la dekouvri vakabondaj Inite nan jere leta, yo chanje nom e yo kreye Verite. Anvan yo chanje Inite pou Verite te genyen gen yon ti konfizyon ak LAPEH, kote epòk senatè Anacasis te deside kanpe lwen bizango sa yo. Pèp la ki te vin komprann jwèt mètdam chanje non sa bayo kanè ak bon kout bwa nan eleksyon 2011. Jodia anko yo vle chanje nom ankò. Fwa sa a, koken yo pran poz yo vle goumen pou lajenès ak yon nouvo nom Ayiti Nou Vle A. Nan strateji mètdam nan zonyon anpil po ke yo pare a, yo di tou sistèm nan pa bon, san yo pa menm gade responsabilite yo nan kraze peyi e detrui a. Malgre jwèt koken e mètdam sa a ki rekomanse, pèp la pare pou yo.

Pou konbat mastèbrenn, fòk nou byen enfòme

Genyen yon bagay ki pa janm chanje nan strateji sa. Se toujou ti reyaksyonè piyajè Potoprens, ki toujou kache dèyè mouvman politik sa yo, pou yo piye leta san yo pa gen okenn fonksyon ofisyèl. Nan piye leta yo lage ti myèt pen bay militan ke yo fè chèf. Ti reyaksyonè piyajè sa yo ki nan Gwoup Blakawout, Gwoup de Boudon se yo ki finanse lavalas, Lespwa, Inite, Verite e Ayiti Nou Vle A. Yo pran kèk malere ki se ti esklav yo genyen nan klass mwayènn e katye popilè ke yo mete minis, senatè, depite elatrye. Apre sa fèt, otorite ke reyaksyonèyo enstale nan gwo djòb leta mete nan leta siyen avnan ak kontra irevokab pou Gwoup Blakawout ak Gwoup de Boudon. Yo fè yo kado byen leta pou degouden tankou minotri dayiti, Varreux elatrye. Yo ba yo aksè a lajan leta nan bank santral, ONA, BNC elatrye. Yo ba yo franchiz, louvri ladwann ak frontyè a pou yo, san yo pa peye taks ak tout kalite lòt kontra ki pèmèt souse leta a travè nan mètdam sifaktirasyon. Mwen pap pale de koze franchiz la. Strateji sa a raple nou sa yo te rele “Politique de doublure” nan istwa dayiti, nan diznevyèm syèk. Jodi a tout jènn ki vle goumen kont koripsyon nan zafè kòb taks leta ak kòb Petrokaribe ke yo volè, dwe komprann strateji sa a e metrize dosye sa yo. Si se pa sa ou pral nan vyolans, lajistis p ap jije pèsonn e lajan ke nèg yo vòlè a ap rete nan poch yo pandan y ap krisifye kèk moun kom bouk emisè. Si ou pa idantifye oligak gwoup de boudon e gwoup blakawout yo, fonksyonman yo andedan leta a e si ou pa devlope yon strateji entelijan pou goumen kont reyaksyonè sa yo kap piye leta, ou fèk kòmanse vire anwon won e bwè mizè.

Kòm « Santinèl Pèp la », depi lontan nou pa janm fè bak devan entimidasyon nèg gwoup blakawout, nèg gwoup de boudon, anakopopilis ki se esklav k ap travay ak yo pou ede yo piye leta. Semènn sa ekip Gwoup Blakawout – Inite, Lespwa, Verite menase nou nan radyo kòmsi yo ta renmen touye nou menmjan yo te touye Robert Marcelo, yon fason pou nou sispann pale. Si ou bliye kòman nèg yo te touye Robert Marcelo e menase pitit fi li ki t ap mande jistis pou papa li apre ke li mouri gade 2 atik sa yo :

1. klike la : http://www.haitian-truth.org/ou-est-passe-joseph-robert-francois-marcello-par-pierre-raymond-dumas/

2.  klike la : https://lenouvelliste.com/lenouvelliste/article/82527/Menacee-la-fille-de-Marcello-laisse-le-pays

Men dosye ki cho pou Dimitri Vorbe

Noumenm nou pa nan griyen dan ak nèg e fanm ki enplike nan koripsyon nan kelkeswa kan politik ke yo ye, sa vle di tèt kale tou. Sèl patron nou se konsyans nou paske tout moun konnen nou pa achtab, nan lit sa depi 20 an, se peyi nou ki nan kè nou nap defann. Yo eseye touye nou plizyè fwa, sa pa mache. Yo esaye eseye ofri nou gwo lajan ak gwo avantaj, sa pa mache nonplis. M ap prezante nou 5 dosye cho, ke Dimitri Vorbe pa vle diskisyon fèt sou yo nan radyo. Depi yon jounalis, yon militan kòmanse manyen e analize dosye sa yo toutbon, li envite’w vinn vizite SOGENER ki konstrui ak lajan leta, nan lide ke li pa chich e li pral sèvi avèk ou. Gen jounalis ki mache nan lojik dafè sa e gen jounalis ki gen karaktè ki pa mache nan koripsyon sa a. Men 5 dosye ke li pa vle sosyete a diskite :

1. Dosye Blakawout la : Gen 15 zan desa kèk nèg nan Inite, Lespwa e Verite kite nan pouvwa a deside ke yap monte yon rakèt pou piye leta e kenbe pouvwa a pandan lontan. Yo te vle konstrui yon pati inik menm jan sa te ekziste nan peyi Meksik ak yon pati ki rele PRI ki te kontrole leta pandan 55 an. Pou pran eletrisite a nan men leta, premye bagay yo pral fè, yo pral voye boule pasyèlman izinnn elektrisite leta Varreux ki te fèk repare ak lajan leta. Jodi a, si gen ankèt ki fèt, y ap jwenn ki moun ki te fè boule Varreux. Epòk kriminèl sa yo pral boule Varreux, yo mete 2 lòt dife nan Potoprens kòm pou fè divèsyon. Pou verifye, gade repòtaj sa a radyo Kiskeya te reyalize sou sa, klike la : http://www.radiokiskeya.com/spip.php?article3958  

Apre yo pasyèlman boule Varreux, yo remèt li bay zanmi yo nan Gwoup Blakawout. Anvan leta remèt antrepriz piblik bay sektè prive, Komisyon Modènizasyon Antrepriz Piblik genyen pou fè evalyasyon e rekomandasyon bay Konsèy dè Minis. Pou komprann gade jan satefèt pou teleko e cina. Sa pa janm fèt nan ka izinn eletrisite leta Varreux. Kijan fè Varreux yon antrepriz leta tounen Sogener jodia yon antrepriz prive ? Otorite leta yo dwe reponn pèp la kesyon sa.

Pou ranfòse monopòl ke yo pral kreye pou Gwoup Blakawout e kraze EDH, yo bay Gwoup Blakawout 40 milyon dola ameriken leta nan bank BNC pou achte dèlko. Apre sa toujou ak konplisite kèk otorite Lespwa, Inite e Verite ki te kontrole leta, yo ekri yon kontra vann leta eletrisite irevokab bay Gwoup Blakawout ke okenn Prezidan e okenn Premye Minis pa ka revoke yon fason pou lajan leta kontinye rantre nan pòch yo. Kontra irevokab sa a ba yo tou tout kalite franchiz pou tout sa yo enpòte, sa vle di yo pa bezwen peye ladwann.

Sa pat rete la, kèk otorite Inite, Lespwa, Verite ki te kontrole leta bay nèg Gwoup Blakawout yo yon lèt garanti ki pèmèt yo chak mwa al pran ant 10 e 20 milyon dola ameriken pa mwa san otorizasyon ministè finans. Gen de moun ki di sa fèt pandan 15 zan gen de moun ki di pandan 10 zan nèg yo rantre chak mwa labank al pran 20 milyon dola ameriken. Sa vle di chak ane Gwoup Blakawout pran nan bank santral ant 120 e 240 milyon dola ameriken. An 10 zan nèg Gwoup Blakawout yo resevwa ant 1 milya 200 milyon e 2 milya 400 milyon dola ameriken lajan leta, lajan pèp la nan eletrisite sèlman aloske tout moun rekonèt se blakawout yo t ap vann leta. Wa fè kalkil la pou 15 zan. Jodi a kòm Gwoup Blakawout di yo pa chich y ap esaye envite e achte jounalis pou koze sa yo pa pale e pa diskite sou radyo e nan laprès dapre twit sa ki soti sou kont Dimitri Vorbe. Y ap entimide, atake sitwayen ki pa pran nan kaponnay e ke yo pa kapab achte konsyans yo. Pèp la pa egare ! Nan ki peyi responsab leta bay kontra irevokab ak franchiz nan kondisyon sa yo? Okenn ! Nan ki peyi yo kite reyaksyonè ap foure men nan lajan leta konsa chak mwa epi se blakawout pèp la jwenn ? Nan ki peyi yo bay ti reyaksyonè lèt garanti pou al touche tout lajan sa yo labank menm lè amplwaye leta pa ka touche ? Okenn !

2. Dosye Wout : Kèk otorite Inite, Lespwa e Verite ki te kontrole leta bay Vorbe et Fils a travè ministè travo piblik yon pakèt kontra pou konstrui wout sou 10 zan nan tout peyi a. Tout moun dekouvri jodi a ke Vorbe & Fils fè leta peye 1 milyon 600 mil dola ameriken pou chak kilomèt wout alòske vrè pri pou menm kalite kilomèt wout koute 100 mil dola ameriken pa kilomèt. Eske sa vle di pandan 10 zan nan sifaktirasyon sou chak kilomèt wout, yo vòlè 1 milyon 500 mil dola ameriken ? Mande travo piblik bay konbyen kilomèt yo te ba yo fè depi 10 zan wa fè kalkil la. Lè nou poze pwoblèm sifaktirasyon sa a, Vorbe t al monte sou Scoop FM pou pase leta ak Prezidan Jovenel nan bètiz. Li tèlman abitye ak otorite leta ki se esklav mantal ti gwoup reyaksyonè sa yo, misye panse ke li se leta andedan leta. Kòm Santinèl Pèp la ki gen karaktè, n ap toujou goumen pou defann enterè pèp la.

3. Dosye Asfalt : Èske se vre otorite lespwa, Inite ki te kontrole leta nan konfyolo ak nèg blakawout yo pou sabote e bloke 4 izinn asfalt ke leta genyen pou yo te ka piye leta nan zafè wout e fòse leta enpòte asfalt ke yo fè peye 4 fwa pi chè ? Eske se vre Venezuela te bay asfalt tou ki tal nan men Gwoup Blakawout ? Èske se vre asfalt sa a tal vann Sendomeng. Se diskisyon sou radyo, ankèt ki dwe bannou repons sa yo ke n ap chache pou nou jwen kot kob Petrokaribe a. Dimitri pa vle fè deba sou radyo ak sitwayen ki kapab. Anmenm tou lè li ale nan sena a, se teyat li oganize ak senatè ke li konsidere kòm amplwaye l. Ekip sa a sa pa vle ankèt sou dosye sa yo abouti e se pousa y ap distribye lajan nan katye popilè yo e yo nan mache prese pou mete vyolans.

4. Gaz Petrokaribe nan BMPAD : Preval ak kèk otorite lespwa, Inite e Verite ki te kontrole leta bay gwoup blakawout 250 milyon dola gaz Petrokaribe pou yo mete nan dèlko ke leta te achte pou yo. Jodi a gen moun ki di ke yo vann gaz sa e yo pa janm peye BMPAD. Èske se vre ? Nan interview, Dimitri di se fòse yo fòse l pran gaz la. Tout moun mande èske misye ap pase moun nan bètiz ? Pou gade interview sa klike la: https://www.facebook.com/StanleylucasHaiti/videos/321497791745920/

5. Rapo Sifaksirasyon :  Nan tout tranzaksyon sa yo, amplis de lòt lajan ke yo fè mal, dapre rapò leta sanble toujou gen sifaktirasyon Gwoup Blakawout toupatou, nan eletrisite, nan asfalt, nan fè wout elatrye. Men yon ekzamp klike la a : https://www.slideshare.net/Stanleylucas/rapport-de-la-commission-nationale-de-reforme-du-secteur-energie-en-haiti  Èske lakou siperyè dè kont ap kapab ankete seryezman sou dosye sa yo ?

Sou 15 zan Dimitri Vorbe genyen nan men li apeprè ant 2 milya 400 milyon dola ameriken leta e 3 milya ki se lajan taks pèp la e kòb petrokaribe ke li ranmasse nan zafè wout e nan blakawout. Nou dekouvri istwa sa a kòmanse ak politisyen Lespwa, Inite e Preval ki te kontrole leta e ki te nan men Vorbe. Yo menm di ke nèg sa yo te tèlman chèf sou Lavalas-Lespwa-Inite ke pandan yo pa t gen pozisyon ofisyèl nan leta, yo te menm patisipe nan dikisyon-negosyasyon ak Venezuela lè bagay petrokaribe yo tapral kòmanse e se te yon fason pou yo ranje kabann yo byen pou rakèt sa. Èske se vre ?

Sou dosye koripsyon sa yo, si Prezidan Jovenel pa aji pa rapò a ti reyaksyonè sa yo ki piblikman ap pase l nan bètiz, sabote politik li, l ap pran yon koudeta nan men yo.

Chak fwa moun serye kòmanse diskite koze sa yo pou fè pèp la komprann piyaj sa, ti reyaksyonè yo toujou fè 4 bagay pou atake e sabote sitwayen ki vle goumen kont koripsyon sa:

1. Yo di se propagann w ap fè alòske se reyalite w ap diskite

2. Yo di w ap defann yon patron alòske ou pa gen patron, se peyi ak pèp w ap defann

3. Yo peye jounalis nan radyo pou ampeche’w pale paske yo pa chich

4. Yo eseye entimide’w plizyè jan, si sa nesesè y ap touye’w menmjan ak Marcelo. Pou gade pratik vyolans mesye sa yo sou jènn kip a dako klike la : https://www.facebook.com/StanleylucasHaiti/videos/1094695657233347/

Jodi a peyi a, pèp la ap mande kou siperyè dè kont prepare dosye teknik sa yo san politik pa ladanl. Kesyon k ap poze, èske kou siperyè dè kont ap ka jwenn sipò gwo kompayi odit tankou KPMG, Deloitte elatrye pou fè travay sa? Yo poze kesyon tou tankou, èske vòlè ki piye leta yo ap ka achte moun k ap travay nan kou siperyè dè kont ? Se gwo defi sa yo k ap tann peyi nan 12 mwa k ap vini la a. Lòt defi a, èske pou gate jwèt la e anpeche ankèt e pwosè fèt, èske volè yo ap reyisi kreye e simen vyolans anvan ankèt la finalize, nan objektif pou yo mete yon gouvènman provizwa tankou pa gouvènman Privert a, kapral defann monopòl ak avantaj pa yo. Jou 17 Oktob nou dwe levekanpe pasifikman kont koripsyon sa a e ba yo prèv de nivo matirite politik nou! Wi a mobilizasyon pasifik pou fòse kou siperyè dè kont reyalize e pibliye yon bon ankèt ! Non a vyolans pou fè koudeta, bloke ankèt petrokaribe e mete gouvènman provizwa ! Pandan n ap mobilize kont koripsyon, nou dwe kòmanse idantifye moun serye kapral kòm kandida pou depite e senatè nan pwochenn eleksyon yo, an Novanm 2019.

USAID and State Department: Serious Questions about a Haiti Reconstruction Puff Piece

http://wemeantwell.com/blog/2012/08/20/serious-questions-about-a-haiti-reconstruction-puff-piece/

The default media plan at State is to follow anything negative in the press with a planted puff piece. Rather than tackle the facts in a negative story (seeking to refute them with other information, or to make corrections), 

State’s modus is to seek ink that just says everything is actually wonderful, without mentioning the offending original articles Following a scathing Associated Press investigation 
http://wemeantwell.com/blog/2012/07/23/state-department-fumbles-haiti-reconstruction/   into the failure of State to reconstruct Haiti after the devastating 2010 earthquake (Less than 12 percent of the reconstruction money sent to Haiti after the earthquake has gone toward energy, shelter, ports or other infrastructure.

At least a third, $329 million, went to projects that were awarded before the 2010 catastrophe and had little to do with the recovery), State first tried an “Op-Ed” http://www.state.gov/p/wha/

rls/rm/2012/195338.htm by the ambassador http://wemeantwell.com/blog/
2012/07/25/too-much-self-love/ blithely mumbling that all was well. That was back in late July. It took almost a month more, but State did finally select its author for what appears to be a real puff piece, in this case some hack named David Brown at the hometown Washington Post (slogan: still dining out on that Watergate thing) http://www.washingtonpost.com/david-brown/2011/02/28/AB2Y0sM_viewAll.html  Brown’s work at the Post http://www.washingtonpost.com/david-brown/2011/02/28/AB2Y0sM_viewAll.html has been mostly on health issues, mainly HIV/AIDS, with the odd bit about Warren Buffet’s prostrate (not good) and Dick Cheney’s artificial heart (“doing exceedingly well”). As such, he was obviously the perfect guy to write authoritatively on reconstruction in Haiti. Without too much surprise, Brown tells us of the wonderful work State, via its USAID arm, has done in one micro-neighborhood in Port-au-Prince  http://www.washingtonpost.com/national/health-science/in-one-of-haitian-capitals-roughest-neighborhoods-a-pretty-good-second-chance/2012/08/18/0958982c-ae5c-11e1-936a-45aa2b40de38_story.html?hpid=z3 . The short version is that in this one neighborhood, 500 people have new houses, lots of locals were employed to do the work, and civic improvements accompanied the new homes. It is a real success story. Read it yourself. http://www.washingtonpost.com/national/health-science/in-one-of-haitian-capitals-roughest-neighborhoods-a-pretty-good-second-chance/2012/08/18/0958982c-ae5c-11e1-936a-45aa2b40de38_story.html?hpid=z3
Some Questions  
Here are the questions I sent to the Washington Post Ombudsman about the article. Should I receive a reply, I will feature it on this blog. 

Had the article addressed these points it might have floated above puff piece. Did David Brown locate this rebuilt neighborhood on his own, or did State direct him to it? 

Did Brown fly to Haiti specifically to do this story? 

What role did State/USAID play in his access to the neighborhood? 

Was he accompianied by anyone from State/USAID at any time? 

Brown does not seem to cover Haiti, State or reconstruction issues. How did he end up with this story?  

The story says $8.5 million US tax dollars were spent repairing or replacing 500 homes. That works out to a very rough figure of $17,000 per home. Haitian GDP is about $1300 a person a year https://www.cia.gov/library/




publications/the-world-



factbook/geos/ha.html , among the world’s impoverished. Is $17k per home expensive? Typical costs? What does the figure actually mean?

Why did reconstruction seem to succeed so well in this one micro-area while failing broadly? Are there lessons to be learned and applied elsewhere in Haiti or is this an anomaly?  

The Associated Press piece focused in part on how little reconstruction money actually makes it to Haiti instead of being siphoned off by US contractors. Brown’s article claims all but four workers used on this project were Haitian. At the same time, he notes that the project sent only $1.4 million of the $8.5 million total into the local economy. That seems to suggest over $7 million bucks went somewhere else. Where did it go?  

Brown’s article, which ran on the front page of the Post and continued inside, quoted only two people connected with the project by name, the project manager paid by USAID and one engineer paid by USAID. Why were there no quotes from any of the Haitian residents of the new dwellings? Why were there no quotes from any local Haitain officials? Did the WaPo editors cut out such quotes? Did they not ask Brown to obtain such quotes? How did Brown fact-check the details given to him by the USAID-paid people? DID Brown fact check those details? As I learned in Iraq, building things is relatively easy given massive amounts of money. 

The real magic is sustainability. Brown tells us “Groups of houses share 23 septic tanks and 100 bucket-flush toilets, which can be locked for privacy. Twenty solar-powered lights illuminate streets.” What plans and whose money are in place to repair and maintain that technology? Who/how will the septic tanks be drained or pumped out? What happens when the first solar light needs replacing? 

Will any of this be there working a year from now? If so, under what plan? The article calls the work in Haiti a “renaissance,” a pretty dramatic word that is empty, meaningless and damned temporary unless there is a sustainability plan in place. Almost all the details in the story are unsourced. Brown talks about the number of septic tanks, a kidnapping and decisions taken collectively by the neighborhood. He does not say where any of this information came from. Where did this information come from?  

Brown states: Another big problem was that wider paths and outdoor places to sit were neighborhood priorities but there was not any unoccupied land for them. As the project evolved, 201 households agreed to reduce the size of their plots, 171 agreed to reshape them, and 51 agreed to share their plots with another family by living in two-story houses.  

This is a huge thing to have accomplished. In reconstruction work, the easiest thing to do is simply to redo what was destroyed, urban problems and all. Destroyed too-narrow streets are replaced with new too-narrow streets because it proves inexpedient to resolve the many disputes. How did this process actually work out in Haiti? Did it really happen? If it did, the method used should be a critical element toward replicating this success throughout Haiti. Did State/USAID lead negotiations? Was there some sort of local micro-government? Since it is unlikely that such agreement spontaneously emerged, leaving out the process raises questions about whether Brown had any idea what he was writing about, or was simply a notetaker for USAID’s propaganda machine.

Haiti’s Fight for Transparency by Jake Johnston (Caribbean Journal)

In the aftermath of the earthquake in Haiti, donors pledged billions of dollars for reconstruction efforts. With those dollars was a commitment to “build back better”; this time was supposed to be different from previous big aid campaigns.

But so far, less than half of donor pledges have been disbursed, and it has become clear that “building back better” remains nothing more than a slogan. While there clearly have been successes in Haiti since the earthquake and the hard work of thousands of aid workers shouldn’t be discounted, nearly half-a-million remain homeless and hundreds of thousands more are living in desperate conditions.

With a visible lack of results and little hard data with which to assess progress, one question naturally arises: Where did the money go? At the Center for Economic and Policy Research and together with many other organizations, we’ve been trying to track where exactly the money that did get spent, went. It hasn’t been easy.

To be sure, aid projects shouldn’t be judged solely on what percent of an aid budget went to overhead, or how much went to American consultants or was spent on American products as opposed to Haitian consultants and products. Ideally, the effectiveness of projects should be based on their outcomes, not just on the breakdown of how funds are spent. But measuring outcomes often isn’t feasible. A nominally independent review of the U.S. government’s response in Haiti attempted to measure the quality and impact of aid, but “a disquieting lack of data on baselines against which to measure progress or even impact” prevented them from doing so.

As taxpayers, we have the right to know how our tax dollars are being used and if they are used effectively.  Specifically, this means looking at the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), which has spent well over a billion dollars in Haiti since 2010.  To their credit, it’s not difficult to obtain the first level of transparency: to which organizations USAID gave funds.  USAID factsheets reveal that close to 100 percent of humanitarian funds for Haiti were channeled through NGOs, U.N. agencies or right back to other U.S. government agencies. Included in this billion-plus dollars hundreds of millions of dollars in contracts which have gone overwhelmingly to “beltway bandits” — firms located in D.C., Maryland or Virginia. Only 0.02 percent by our latest tally has gone to Haitian firms.

But this isn’t the end of the line when it comes to transparency.  Once funds are given to an organization, what are they spent on? What were they meant to achieve? How much goes back to the US and how much goes to local firms?

In a meeting last October in Port-au-Prince a USAID official defended the awarding of contracts to so-called “beltway bandits,” telling me that, while certainly some money goes off the top for their profits, much gets spent in country or is given to local subcontractors. It was a back-of-the-envelope calculation, but he estimated that each international worker sent to Haiti could cost up to $250,000 a year.

The important part, he stressed, was that this money would be spent in Haiti on electricity, security, housing, etc. “He has to live here, eat here, dance here, whatever,” the official reasoned.

And as for how much money is actually going to local subcontractors, did USAID have any data on this they’d be willing to share? While I was assured that a systematic approach to capturing this data was in the works, in the meantime the same USAID official explained to me that, “you need hard data…and I need that hard data too.”

It’s a critical issue. To be able to judge how effectively US taxpayer money is being spent in Haiti, we need to know what actually gets spent in Haiti and what gets funneled back to the US.  Local procurement is a sustainable way to improve the Haitian economy; channeling aid through local businesses creates jobs, develops capacity and reduces the need for more aid down the line. While USAID has begun an ambitious reform agenda, which includes increasing local procurement, they readily admit that “the Agency does not have the systems in place to track sub-grants and sub-contracts.”

USAID may not have the systems in place, but they at least should collect the information. Following a Freedom of Information Act request, I received a USAID task order with Chemonics, a for-profit development firm that is the largest single recipient of USAID funds for Haiti since the earthquake. The task order requires the contractor to “track and report on the overall monthly commitments and disbursements for all activities and non-activity expenditures.”

Further, the contract states that Chemonics “is required to provide a detailed budget and vouchers for all subcontractors.” So USAID may not be able to systematically process this information, but if the contractor and USAID are doing their jobs, the data does exist.

In responding to my FOIA request, in which I asked for “all communications or records relating” to the two contracts USAID had with Chemonics since the earthquake, USAID only provided me with their two task orders. These are vague documents that list the general goals of the program, but no specific targets or works to be completed. Of all the various documents and financial reports that the contractor was required to submit to USAID, none of them were released, nor were they even withheld. It was as if they didn’t exist. Further, all of the cost information, including overhead and labor costs, was redacted on the grounds that this is considered the proprietary information of the contractor and could cause competitive harm.

There have been some successes. Just a few weeks ago, following up on a request, USAID published a list of Haitian organizations that had received direct USAID funding. The total was less than $10 million out of more than $1 billion spent to date. Although it was an extremely low percentage of spending – just about one percent – it was a step in the right direction for USAID. Of course, there is still no data available on where funds are going at the subcontracting level.

The USAID Inspector General (IG) has six audits of Haiti programs planned for 2012, which hopefully will provide valuable information that so far hasn’t been publically available. In November 2010 the IG had found numerous problems with the work of Chemonics and others involved in cash-for-work programs.

Despite noting that contractors “were operating in an environment with high risk for fraud,” USAID had not performed financial reviews.  Currently, an audit of Chemonics is being performed by the IG, and could be published later this summer. But while Chemonics may be the largest recipient of USAID funds in Haiti, they’re far from the only USAID partner whose activities and financials are shielded from public scrutiny.

In Busan, South Korea, at the Fourth High-Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced, to a round of applause, that the U.S. was joining the International Aid Transparency Initiative.

“Transparency helps reveal our weaknesses so we can improve our work,” Clinton said.

Indeed. USAID could start by making public their partners’ budgets, as well as project related targets and costs, in order to answer the question of “where did the money go” once and for all.

**Jake Johnston is an international researcher at the Center for Economic and Policy Research. He writes on Haiti-related issues for the blog Relief and Reconstruction Watch.

The Looting of Haiti Teleco by Mary O'Grady

A federal bribery case in Miami may shed light on how a well-connected U.S. firm operated during the Aristide years.

The slaying of a former director of the Haitian Central Bank in Port-au-Prince last week might at first seem like a random event in a violent country. But the shooting of Venel Joseph at the wheel of his car looks more like a hit job. It comes just days after the Miami Herald reported that Joseph's son, Patrick Joseph, is a key witness in a federal bribery case in Miami involving alleged kickbacks paid by American telecom companies to Haitian officials. The younger Joseph, according to Herald sources, has fingered former Haitian President Jean Bertrand Aristide as one of those officials.

The indictment doesn't name Mr. Aristide. But the Herald reported that lawyers familiar with the case said that an unnamed individual in the document—"Official B"—is "indeed the ex-president." The Justice Department alleged in court that "Official B" and Patrick Joseph, who is a former director general of the government telecom monopoly Haiti Teleco, received kickbacks from U.S. companies in exchange for favorable pricing when terminating calls in Haiti. Mr. Joseph has pleaded guilty to taking bribes and is cooperating with Justice, according to the Herald article.

It is a case that ought to interest Americans, and not only because it means Mr. Aristide—who was, according to a detailed lawsuit filed by Haiti in civil court in South Florida in 2005, a notoriously corrupt strongman—might be brought to justice. That would be a step toward ending impunity in Haiti, which in turn would be good for political stability and for U.S. security interests in the hemisphere. Mr. Aristide's American lawyer, Ira Kurzban, told the Herald that there is "not one shred of evidence" against his client in the indictment.

But for Americans there may be another even more important reason to pay attention: It is possible that by getting to the bottom of how Haiti Teleco operated during the Aristide years, investigators will finally uncover the details of the arrangement that Fusion Telecommunications—run by former Democratic Party Finance Chairman Marvin Rosen with Joseph P. Kennedy II and numerous influential Democrats on the board—had in Haiti during the Clinton years. That would be edifying, given how Bill Clinton inexplicably tolerated Mr. Aristide's despotism even after the U.S. had restored him to power in 1994.

Back in those days, Haitians working for Teleco whispered to me of an alleged kickback scheme. Teleco was one of the few sources of hard currency for the country and they charged that the deal between Fusion and Mr. Aristide meant that the company was being looted. They claimed that Fusion had an office inside Teleco, was getting access to the Teleco network at a big discount, and was paying Mr. Aristide in return.

But there was no transparency at Teleco, and these brave patriots were afraid to go public with what they knew. It was only after Mr. Aristide was pushed from power by a popular revolt in February 2004 that the interim government could confirm that the company had been cleaned out.

In the fall of 2004 I was approached by Michael Jewett, a former telecom executive at New Jersey-based IDT. He alleged that he had been fired from the company for objecting to a bribery scheme similar to the one that had been described to me by Haitians regarding Fusion. He had filed a wrongful dismissal case that alleged that he was told to put payments in an offshore account for the benefit of Mr. Aristide. Federal Communications Commission records proved that Teleco had indeed given IDT a 66% discount to the official rate, but Mr. Jewett was never able to prove that Mr. Aristide was the beneficiary of the offshore account. IDT denied wrongdoing and eventually settled with him out of court.

That case prompted me to ask the FCC for copies of Fusion's contracts. I was told that the file had disappeared from its record room. When the FCC asked carriers to send duplicates, Fusion said hurricanes had destroyed many of its records, and it produced only one document. Then it went to court to block me from seeing it. I used the Freedom of Information Act to prevail and learned that in 1999 Teleco had given Fusion a rate of 12 cents per minute when the official rate was 50 cents.

Joseph P. Kennedy II wrote in a letter published by the Journal that he was "not aware" of any wrongdoing on the part of Fusion. The company has long maintained its innocence, and it has not been charged. But the Justice Department now alleges in its indictment that other companies that received discounts paid kickbacks to get them.

Patrick Joseph could be the best hope that Haitians have of getting to the truth about Mr. Aristide and his American business partners. But sources say the former Teleco executive still has relatives in Haiti. If he fears for them, he could clam up. That would be one explanation for his father's murder.

HAITI: PROFIL DE CINQ SENATEURS DE LA REPUBLIQUE CORROMPUS JUSQU'AUX OS PAR STANLEY LUCAS

En parcourant l'internet on se rend compte que la presse Haitienne a deja les dossiers de plusieurs senateurs qui dans un passe tres recent ont ete meles a la corruption, les assassinats, la violence politique et la drogue. En se servant des rapports de la presse Haitienne on decouvre le profil de cinq senateurs qui font l'actualite et qui gardent en otage le processus democratique d'Haiti au nom de la continuite de la corruption. Qui sont-ils?

 

1. MOISE JEAN CHARLES, est actuellement Senateur de la republique d’Haiti. Il a ete nomme Senateur par le President Preval lors du coup d’etat electoral realise par ce dernier en 2009 grace a un Conseil Electoral Partisan. Lors de ce coup d’etat Preval a installe comme senateur plusieurs de ses proches ayant des dossiers criminels pour les proteger des poursuites judiciaires. Depuis ces criminels beneficient d’immunite parlementaire.

Depuis 2004-05 Moise Jean Charles fait l'objet d'un mandat d'amener émis par le Juge Harold CHERRY, instruisant le dossier relatif aux évènements survenus le 17 décembre 2001 (voir copie du mandat d'arret a la fin du texte). Il a comparu au Cabinet d'instruction le 4 avril 2003. Après audition, le Juge a converti le mandat d'amener en ordonnance de dépôt. Moïse JEAN CHARLES a cependant eu le temps de prendre la fuite.

Moïse JEAN CHARLES est aussi impliqué dans les événements survenus au Cap-Haïtien le 6 avril 2003. En effet, au cours d'une manifestation organisée par des membres de l'opposition au pouvoir d'alors, des partisans lavalas ayant à leur tête Moïse JEAN CHARLES et Nawoon MARCELLUS ont ouvert le feu sur les manifestants faisant un mort, Donald JULMISTE, et un blessé Evens LUCIEN. Heide FORTUNE, Substitut du Commissaire du Gouvernement d'alors, près le Tribunal de Première Instance du Cap-Haïtien a été touché d'une pierre à la tête. Consultez le paragraphe III de ce rapport de violations de droits humains: http://www.rnddh.org/article.php3?id_article=403

Moïse JEAN CHARLES est aussi inculpé dans l'assassinat le 15 février 2004 de Guitz Adrien SALVANT et dans la perpétration d'autres cas de violence dans le Nord. Son dossier, gelé au Parquet du Tribunal de Première Instance du Cap-Haïtien depuis dix (10) mois, doit faire l'objet d'une ordonnance de clôture du Cabinet d'Instruction du Cap-Haïtien ;

Moise Jean Charles a ete nomme en 2006 Conseiller du Président de la République Monsieur René Garcia PREVAL pour le proteger contre le mandat d’arret emis par le juge d’instruction Harrold Cherry pour les meurtres. Apres cette nomination le President Preval a fait revoquer le juge d’instruction Cherry pour enterrer les poursuites judiciaires de Moise Jean Charles. Depuis qu’il a ete nomme Senateur en 2009 Senateur de la republique par Rene Preval il beneficie de l'immunite parlementaire , ce qui rend plus difficile l’execution du mandat d’arret, mais pas impossible.

Moise Jean Charles selon plusieurs declarations publiques est aussi implique dans la coupure criminelle de l’electricite au parlement le 14 Mai 2011 lors de la prestation de serment du President de la republique et l’attentat contre le President de la republique le 25 Juillet 2011 au Cap Haitien. Son interview contradictoire le prouve: http://chirb.it/9wa5Oe  

 

2. JOCELERME PRIVERT est Senateur de la republique et membre de l’INITE. Comment un homme implique dans le massacre des dizaines de citoyens a-t-il pu devenir Senateur de la republique?

Inculpé dans le Massacre de la Scierie, Privert est sous le coup d'une ordonnance du Juge d'Instruction de Saint Marc le revoyant par-devant le Tribunal Criminel sans assistance de jury pour des crimes graves perpétrés à Saint Marc en février 2004.

L'Appel interjeté contre cette ordonnance n'a toujours pas abouti en raison de l'infirmation de la composition qui a entendu l'affaire, suite au décès de l'ex-Président de cette Cour, Me Hugues SAINT-PIERRE, tué dans un étrange accident de la circulation non encore élucidé. Nombreux sont ceux qui croient que le juge a ete execute par des sbires de Privert. De plus, son visa américain a été révoqué par les autorités américaines en 2003; Privert fut relache de la prison par le President Preval qui avait bloque et manipule les procedures judiciaires. Apres pour proteger Privert contre toute relance des procedures judiciaires le President Preval en 2006 le nomma conseiller du President de la republique. Les organisations des droits humains accuserent le President Preval de se ranger du cote des bourreaux. voir ce lien: http://www.rnddh.org/article.php3?id_article=336 Les victimes de Saint Marc attendent toujours son jugement. 

Jocelerme Privert a ete nomme Senateur de la republique en Novembre 2010 au cours du coup d'etat electoral execute par Rene Preval au niveau des legislatives. Le President du CEP partisan sur l’ordre du President Preval a change les resultats des elections pour nommer Privert Senateur de la republique. Preval croit qu'avec l'immunite parlementaire Privert pourra echapper aux poursuites judicaires suites aux crimes commis a Saint Marc lors du Massacre de la Scierie. En plus Joceleme Privert est rentre au senat de la republique en violations de la constitution de 1987 parce qu'il n'a pas de decharge pour sa gestion comme Ministre de l’Interieur.

Privert est aussi responsable de la falsification de l'amendement de la constitution du 13 Mai 2011 selon les temoignages a la radio. C'est un acte de Haute Trahison.  Pour plus de details voir: http://www.metropolehaiti.com/metropole/archive.php?action=full&keyword=JOAZILE&sid=0&critere=0&id=19200&p=1 Il fait partie de la coalition INITE au Senat qui semble etre domine par des criminels. Privert est oppose a la ratification de tout Premier Ministre et Ministre de la Justice integre capable de relancer les dossiers de drogue, criminels et de corruptions en attente.

 

3. JOSEPH LAMBERT est le senateur du Sud'Est et membre de la coalition INITE. Son mandat prend fin en Novembre 2011 dans trois mois. Joseph Lambert est implique dans plusieurs actes criminels. Le premier est l'affaire de la cocaine de Tiburon. La police a arrete et saisi un bateau rempli de cocaine a Tiburon. Selon le rapport du juge d'instruction Jacques Saint Jean prepare le 6 Septembre 2007, le bateau de cocaine appartenait a Joseph Lambert. Pour lire le rapport du juge d'instruction visitez ce lien: http://belpolitik.com/messages.php/35677

La presse Haitienne a aussi mene une enquete sur la cocaine de Tiburon et impliquee le Senateur Joseph Lambert. Pour lire le rapport de radio Kiskeya visitez le lien suivant: http://radiokiskeya.com/spip.php?article4144

Le senateur Lambert est aussi implique dans l'assassinat de Monique Pierre, une femme qui vivait des milieux de la drogue qui s‘appretait a faire des revelations sur Lambert. Priere de voir: http://metropolehaiti.com/metropole/archive.php?action=full&keyword=monique+pierre&sid=0&critere=0&id=14433&p=1  Monique Pierre fut assassinee avant de parler. Un employe travaillant chez Monique Pierre a note l’immatraculation du vehicule transportant les criminels ayant assassine cette dame. Avec cette information l'enquete de la police a revele que le vehicule qui transportait les criminels qui ont assassine Monique Pierre immatricule OF 0032 appartient au Senateur Joseph Lambert. Voir les revelations de la presse Hatienne en consultant le lien suivant: http://metropolehaiti.com/metropole/archive.php?action=full&keyword=monique+pierre&sid=0&critere=0&id=14422&p=1

Joseph Lambert est aussi implique dans plusieurs scandales financiers selon les rapports de presse. Le premier scandale est le vote de la resolution SOCABANK pour de l'argent. Consultez le lien suivant pour plus de details: http://metropolehaiti.com/metropole/archive.php?action=full&keyword=Socabank&sid=0&critere=0&id=12324&p=3

Le Senateur est aussi implique avec cinq de ses collegues dans la disparition de 200 millions de gourdes a l'Office Nationale d'Assurances (ONA). Pour plus de details sur cette affaire consultez ce lien: http://metropolehaiti.com/metropole/archive.php?action=full&keyword=ONA+corruption&sid=0&critere=0&id=14201&p=1

Ce senateur de l'INITE est pourri jusqu'aux os. Par peur des poursuites judiciaires pour le trafique de la drogue de Tiburon et des enquetes de l’Unite de Lutte contre la Corruption (ULCC) Lambert bloque la nomination d’un nouveau Premier Ministre integre et la formation du gouvernement. Lambert voudrait forcer Martelly a nommer un Premier Ministre de la continuite pour proteger sa corruption passee. Le Senateur Lambert souhaiterait en guise d’immunite veut recevoir un poste ministeriel. Lambert voudrait devenir Ministre de l’Agriculture ou Ministre de l’Interieur. A trois mois de la fin de son mandat Lambert a un avenir incertain. Il risque de finir au penitencier national.

4. KELY BASTIEN est Senateur du Departement du Nord, son mandat prend fin en Novembre 2011. La presse a implique Bastien dans le vote de la resolution de la Socabank pour de l'argent et a ete questionne sur la question par la commission d'enquete du senat, voir:

1. http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2007/03/affaire-socabank-rapport-de-la.html   

2. http://metropolehaiti.com/metropole/archive.php?action=full&keyword=socabank&sid=0&critere=0&id=12324&p=3

Le nom du senateur Bastien a ete aussi associe au scandale des 200 millions de gourdes sortis des fonds de pension des travailleurs a l'ONA, voir: http://metropolehaiti.com/metropole/archive.php?action=full&keyword=ONA+corruption&sid=0&critere=0&id=14201&p=1

Avant de devenir Senateur Kely Bastien fut implique par les medias du Departement du Nord dans une affaire de faux kidnapping pour soutirer de l'argent

5. JOHN JOEL JOSEPH a ete nomme senateur apres le coup d'etat electoral de Rene Preval. Il est membre de la coalition INITE au Senat d'Haiti. Selon les declarations faites a la radio par plusieurs auditeurs qui sont de Cite Soleil John Joel Joseph a participe aux Operations Bagad I & II et Pakatann aux cotes d'Amaral Duclone. L'Operation Bagdad I a assassine 1939 citoyens innocents, parmis eux 112 policers dont huit furent decapites. Pendant l'Operation Bagdad II ces criminels ont tue 1200 citoyens innocents parmis eux des femmes, des enfants, des jeunes. A travers cette operation ils ont viole plus de 500 femmes, plus de 800 personnes kidnappees, pres de 1241 vehicules voles. Pour les details sur les operations Bagdad I et II, Pakatan'n et la violence brutale de ces criminels sur la population veuillez utiliser ces deux liens:

1. http://rnddh.org/article.php3?id_article=298&var_recherche=Operation+Bagdad

2. http://www.rnddh.org/article.php3?id_article=313

On a aussi attribue aussi certaines violences electorales de l'INITE en Novembre dernier a John Joel Joseph voir ces deux videos:

1. Klikez la:  http://www.youtube.com/v/kASfVSb9ozU?fs=1&hl=en_US

2. Klikez la: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EVwsN4G-txY

 Recommandations

1. Le juge d'instruction du Cap Haitien devrait reprendre le dossier de l'assassinat de Adrian Guitz Salvant et de Donald Julmiste et relancer la procedure judiciaire cette fois sans interference du President de la Republique
2. Finaliser le dossier de l'attentat contre le President Martelly au Cap Haitien et introduire une procedure judiciaire contre les presumes responsables.
3. Demander au Directeur General du Ministere de continuer le proces du Massacre de la Scierie cette fois sans interference de la Presidence de Preval.
4. Encourager la Commission d'Enquete du Senat sur la falsification de l'amendement de la constitution a publier son rapport. 
5. Demander au juge d'instruction Jacques Saint Jean de continuer son enquete sur la cocaine de Tiburon.
6. Demander a la Police Nationale de finaliser dans un delai de dix jours l'enquete sur l'assassinat de Monique Pierre.
7. Reprendre le dossier des 200 millions de gourdes collectes a l'ONA par cinq senateurs
8. Ouvrir le dossier des victimes des Operations Bagdad I, II et l'Operation Pakatann
9. Demander au Ministere de la Justice de reprendre le dossier des US$32 millions de la cocaine de Port-de-Paix. 
10. Demander au Directeur General de la PNH de nommer un inspecteur integre sur le dossier de la cocaine de Port-de-Paix
11. Nommer une commission de trois membres pour determiner avec l'UCREF et le ULCC ceux qui ont recus les fonds du Petrocaribe et recoivent des cheques comme ce fut le cas au Ministere de l'Interieur.