24 days after the closing of MINUSTAH the new U.N. Mission in Haiti MINUJUSTH still has no legal status

According to article 60 of the agreement signed with the United Nations and Haiti’s Executive Branch, the new U.N. mission in Haiti will have legal status when parliament ratifies the agreement. On October 23, Président Jovenel Moïse called both chambers in a special session for the ratification of the agreement.

But in parliament they are reticent to ratify the agreement for the following reasons :

1. There is a perception that the current Secretary General M. Antonio Gutteres is not forthcoming with the 9,000 families that have lost loved ones in the cholera epidemic caused by the UN. They have formally promised to pay raparations to them and nothing has been done. The Secretary General could have use the $40 million left over from the MINUSTAH budget to start the process while trying to find resources to fulfill his commitment. President Jovenel Moise in his speech in September 2017 at the 72nd General Assembly raised the issue but nobody paid attention.

2. The U.N. also did not fulfill its promise to provide financial assistance to Haitians to eradicate cholera.

3. Parliamentarians are also under pressure from their constituencies for the rapes committed by U.N soldiers commited against children, men and women and the manner in which they should have been held accountable.

4. The fact that a career employee of the U.N., Mamadou Diallo, pushed for the official inauguration of the mission without parliament’s prior approval has caused some serious political damages – and undermines Haitian institutions. How can a mission that is coming to help Haiti’s judicial reforms and the strengthening of institutions does not respect the constitution, the laws, the institutions of the country ? Or the articles of the agreement they have signed? Contrary to 2004, there is all three branches of government in place in 2017. These are the questions the parliamentarians are grappling with.

5. The fact that the U.N. is ignoring the formation of Haiti’s New Defense force has also struck a chord among Haitians. This is one of the top three issues important to the country according to various polls. The U.N. military commander in Haiti, Brazilian General Elito, has stated that the country needed an army to provide security and react against the various threats.

6. The consensue emerging is that if parliamentarian touch this agreement without any effort to address these ongoing issues, they will surely lose their next election, particulary those 10 senators who’s two years term expires on January 8, 2018.

The recent cooperation between Haiti and the U.N. through MINUSTAH has not been good. That mission has left a bad taste in the mouth of Haitians who fought for five years to force the U.N., with scientific proof, to admit that their soldiers were the source of the cholera epidemic. The country wants better cooperation with the U.N. Concrete actions from U.N. leadership is expected before moving forward. The editorial written by the Secretary General in the Miami Herald, while in good faith, was not written for Haitians and doesn’t move the ball forward in any way. Only concrete actions by the leadership of the U.N. will help them win hearts and minds in Haiti. The country deserves better.

Est-ce que le prochain Conseil Electoral d’Haïti de 2016 sera partisan? Par Stanley Lucas

Caricature du Nouvelliste

Jocelerme Privert a prêté serment comme Président provisoire depuis le 14 février 2016. Sa mission, conformément à l’Accord du 6 Février 2016, est de finaliser le processus électoral en vue de la prestation de serment d’un Président constitutionnel, le 14 Mai. Un Premier Ministre de consensus M. Enex J. Jean-Charles a été ratifié par le Parlement puis installé le 28 mars. Les neuf membres du Conseil Electoral Provisoire devraient être aussi installés sous peu. Ce conseil électoral sera-t-il partisan ?

Conspirations et manipulations

Depuis quelques semaines, certaines actions du Secrétaire Général de la Présidence Anthony Barbier sont plutôt inquiétantes. Bien que les syndicats aient choisi démocratiquement de confirmer leur candidat, Madame Edith Lourdes Joseph pour le CEP, le Secrétaire Général essaie de faire un choix personnel n’émanant pas vraiment du secteur syndical. C’est ce genre de manipulations de Préval et de l’Inite qui avaient permis à Jacques Belzin d’être aux cotes de Gaillot Dorsinvil au CEP de 2010 avec les résultats qui s’en suivirent. Le secteur syndical a écrit deux lettres au Président intérimaire Privert sur ces manipulations. Il en est de même au niveau des organisations de Droits Humains. Vingt-huit organisations ont voté pour choisir leur délégué. La personne élue avec dix-huit votes est Madame Ketly Julien, pourtant le Secrétaire Général du Palais National avec une personnalité de la Plateforme Haïtienne des Droits Humains ont choisi Jean Simon St Hubert qui a reçu zéro vote le jour des élections du secteur Droits Humains. La même chose s’est reproduite avec les organisations de femmes. Le Secrétaire Général du Palais National, Anthony Barbier, a ignoré les organisations de femmes, et a conspiré avec une organisation dénommée SOFA (Solidarite Fanm Ayisien) pour recruter la personne voulue. C’est la même chose pour trois autres secteurs devant déléguer des personnalités au Conseil Electoral Provisoire. Allons-nous assister à la mise en place d’un Conseil Electoral partisan au service du Président provisoire Jocelerme Privert  chargée de manipuler les résultats des élections comme par le passé ?

Le conflit électoral : une source permanente de crises politiques en Haïti

La source de toutes les crises politiques des vingt-cinq dernières années à la base a été un conflit électoral. Depuis 1990 une partie de la classe politique haïtienne, conditionne sa participation aux élections au contrôle sur le Conseil Electoral Provisoire (CEP) chargé d’organiser les élections.  Le CEP ayant organisé les élections de 1990 était totalement à la dévotion de ce secteur. Après les élections, ils furent tous récompenses. Le Président Aristide nomme Jean Casimir Ambassadeur d’Haïti à Washington, Emmanuel Ambroise Ambassadeur au Canada, le Président de ce CEP fut nommé Ambassadeur d’Haïti à Paris, quand le Sénat de la république fit opposition à ce choix, Aristide par Arrêté présidentiel fit de Jean Robert Sabbalat le Ministre des Affaires Etrangères.

Le même scénario fut répété en 1995 avec Anselme Rémy, un proche du secteur Lavalas qui travaillait à l’Université d’Etat. La manipulation des résultats par les responsables du CEP et le boycott des deux tours par les partis ont créé une division de Lavalas, qui a donné lieu à deux partis. L’un de ces partis réunit Aristide et ses partisans, Fanmi Lavalas qui menaient une politique électorale antidémocratique axée sur la violence et la manipulation des résultats. L’autre parti a été formé de l’Organisation Politique Lavalas qui devint l’Organisation du Peuple en Lutte (OPL) dirigée par Gérard Pierre-Charles. Il faut y ajouter les autres partis de l’opposition, c’est-à-dire la Convergence Démocratique, Le Grand Front Centre Droit (GFCD) regroupant le parti Mobilisation pour le Développement National (MDN) et trois autres partis, et plusieurs autres partis politiques.

Le recours au coup d’État électoral

Lors des élections du 6 Avril 1997 avec un CEP sous leur contrôle, Lavalas réalisa un coup d’Etat électoral. L’opposition au coup d’Etat de Lavalas émergea de la primature quand le Premier Ministre Rosny Smarth bloqua aux archives nationales les résultats fabriqués par la présidence. A l’époque René Preval était la doublure d’Aristide. Préval se révoltera contre Aristide au début de son second mandat en 2006. C’est pour cette raison que Préval maintiendra Aristide en exil en Afrique du Sud et va exclure Fanmi Lavalas des elections de 2009. Smarth fut forcé de démissionner mais le faible taux de participation, moins de 3%, la décision de Smarth et les boycott de l’ensemble des partis politiques contribuèrent a l’échec coup d’Etat électoral de Lavalas. Une négociation politique donna naissance a l’Accord du 4 Mars 1999 avec l’Espace de Concertation pour la mise en place d’un CEP équilibré ayant à sa tête Me. Léon Manus un homme intègre et modéré. Il rassura la classe politique et les secteurs variés de la société civile. Le 21 Mai 2000, le taux de participation était de 60%, contrairement au 5% de 1997, l’ensemble des partis était présent, la sécurité était satisfaisante ainsi que la gestion administrative. Une fois encore Aristide tenta un nouveau coup d’Etat électoral en menaçant de mort le président du CEP. Devant ces menaces, Me. Léon Manus, au lieu de répondre aux diktats d’Aristide et publier de nouveaux résultats des élections fabriquées par la présidence en lieu et place des résultats représentant le vote de la population, décida de partir en exil aux Etats-Unis plutôt que de trahir les principes démocratiques. Une lettre rendue publique par Manus donne les détails de cette tranche de notre histoire politique et électorale. Le 26 Novembre 2000 Aristide exécuta un coup d’Etat électoral avec un CEP qui était dans sa poche. Le taux de participation était de 1%. Il se donnera 83% de ce taux de participation. Ce coup d’Etat électoral permit à Aristide de prendre illégalement le pouvoir le 7 Février 2001. Pour sauver sa présidence le Président Bill Clinton délégua à Port-au-Prince son Conseiller National à la Sécurité, M. Anthony Lake qui signa avec Aristide un Accord en huit points pour le retour à l’ordre constitutionnel. Au lieu d’exécuter l’Accord, Aristide sombra dans des violations systématiques de Droits Humains, des assassinats politiques de journalistes, de leaders politiques et de membres de la société civile, incendiant des locaux de partis politiques etc. Toutes ces exactions ont conduit à sa démission en 2004.

De 2004 à 2006 Le Gouvernement Alexandre Latortue créa les conditions pour l’organisation des élections. Ces élections furent acceptables et René Préval devint pour la seconde fois Président d’Haïti. Il y eut des débats autour de la décision du CEP de compter les votes blancs qui permirent à Préval de recevoir 51.2% en lieu et place des 49% qui ouvraient la porte à un second tour.

En 2009 Préval mit en place un CEP à sa solde qui lui permit de nommer de nombreux conseillers et proches sénateurs de la république. Parmi ces conseillers on retrouvait John Joel Joseph, Moïse Jean-Charles, Jocelerme Privert etc...  L’opposition rejeta ce coup d’Etat mais les contestations perdirent leur intensité. Ces parlementaires mal élus gardèrent leurs sièges.

Les manœuvres politiciennes de Préval

En 2010, Préval et ses alliés de LESWA-INITE avec Gaillot Dorsinvil et Pierre-Louis Opont préparèrent un coup d’Etat électoral. L’objectif était de construire un parti unique en Haïti avec le contrôle de l’Exécutif, deux tiers des deux chambres du Parlement. Un amendement constitutionnel contesté en 2009 préparait la route pour ce contrôle absolu. L’amendement constitutionnel de 2009 à 2012 avait été contesté à cause de la falsification opérée par le Sénateur Privert, selon les écrits de plusieurs journaux et des discussions à la radio. Le coup d’Etat électoral de René Préval en 2010 échoua partiellement. Tout en réussissant à voler plusieurs postes à la Chambre des députés et au Sénat, Préval et ses alliés perdirent la Présidence. Malgré tout, en tirant parti de leur mainmise sur le Parlement, Préval et l’INITE imposèrent l’amendement falsifié.

De 2011 à 2014 par des blocages systématiques, une partie de l’opposition empêcha la tenue des élections. L’objectif était le contrôle absolu du conseil électoral. Ce document présente ces efforts de blocages de 2011 à 2014. A travers un Accord politique, après les violences des rues, ayant pris le contrôle absolu du Conseil Electoral Provisoire et partiel du gouvernement en Janvier 2015, cette opposition  (Lavalas-MOPOD-INITE-FUSION) qui bloquait le processus électoral, décida de se rendre aux élections. Les élections Législatives du 8 Aout 2015 étaient caractérisées par la violence. 85 partis politiques ont participé à cette violence, ainsi qu’aux irrégularités, à l’usage de la fraude et aux déficiences administratives et techniques. Le 25 Octobre 2015 pour le second tour des Législatives et le premier tour des présidentielles ce fut une réussite. Le 27 Octobre des candidats à la présidence, des mauvais perdants, sans aucune documentation et en utilisant des rumeurs lancèrent une campagne pour discréditer ces élections et demander leur annulation. Cette campagne trouva un écho chez des journalistes qui accompagnaient ces candidats. Le résultat c’est que le processus fut remis en question et une Commission d’Evaluation Electorale fit des recommandations à appliquer, pour le second tour des présidentielles entre les deux candidats qualifiés, Jovenel Moïse et Jude Célestin.

Le danger des manipulations de Privert : la dégradation du climat politique

Entre temps le mandat du Président Michel Martelly prit fin et grâce à un Accord entre l’Exécutif et le Législatif pour la continuité constitutionnelle, le Président du Sénat Jocelerme Privert fut élu au second degré Président intérimaire d’Haïti pour 120 jours dans le but de finaliser les élections et de s’assurer qu’un Président constitutionnel choisi par le peuple à travers ces élections puisse prêter serment le 14 Mai 2016. Mais Privert semble vouloir fabriquer une machine électorale à sa dévotion.

Il est important que le Conseil Electoral qui sera nommé cette semaine soit indépendant. Si les informations ci-dessus sont confirmées, Haïti s’oriente vers une dégradation rapide de la situation politique et une instabilité chronique.

UN Secretary General Fails to Come Clean on Haiti’s Cholera Cover Up by Stanley Lucas

Earlier last week, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon traveled to Haiti giving hope to the Haitian people and officials that the UN would issue a long overdue apology for their role in introducing the cholera epidemic in Haiti in the immediate aftermath of the devastating 2010 earthquake that claimed 320,000 lives. After the usual diplomatic rounds were made, Ban showed up an hour late to a scheduled press conference to meet with the Haitian press.  After having waited an hour – or more accurately four years since the beginning of the epidemic and the surfacing of the evidence implicating the UN – Ban took two questions: one from a Haitian journalist on cholera and another from an international reporter on Palestine. Haitian journalists were outraged at his blatant avoidance of questioning on this hot button issue.  It was a public relations disaster.  

Since the outbreak, the UN has made every effort to cover up their negligence and direct involvement in the scandal.  Secretary Ban most recently felt the pressure to acknowledge the UN role when lawyers for the Haitian victims served him a subpoena in Manhattan on June 20. Since that time, he has been at pains to find the right words to address the issue. The Secretary’s strategy seems to hinge on dodging the issue and hoping it will go away.  But it has not -- and will not - go away until the UN takes responsibility. 

UN Special Envoy to Haiti, President Bill Clinton, has publicly admitted the role of the UN in introducing the epidemic that has killed 8,000 and sickened more than 780,000.  The world’s most preeminent scientists and health officials have joined President Clinton in his conclusion. The US Center for Disease Control concluded based on the scientific evidence that the bacteria was not from Haiti but from South Asia. Since then more than two dozen scientific and academic institutions, including UCLA, Yale and the American Society for Microbiology have shown conclusively that the UN Nepalese soldiers were responsible.

Under pressure from the Haitian people, the Haitian Government has been asking Secretary Ban to admit the UN moral responsibility in the spread of the epidemic since 2011. Haitian officials extended the normal diplomatic courtesies to the Secretary during this most recent trip, but were again internally disappointed and frustrated by the Secretary’s failure to address the issue in any meaningful way. President Martelly and Prime Minister Lamothe are wading in very sensitive political waters: domestically they are under extreme pressure from an enraged Haitian public to produce the elusive apology from the UN; and internationally they are reliant on foreign aid to provide even the basic needs of the country.

Far short of an apology, Secretary Ban said: “the UN has a moral responsibility to help Haiti combat the epidemic”. Haiti’s largest newspaper, the Nouvelliste, published an editorial outlining the popular belief that Ban made the trip to get some nice words and pictures on the record for his next report on Haiti to the UN Security Council. More cynical commentators have conjectured that the UN refusal to admit culpability for the epidemic is pure racism and another insult to the world’s first black republic. For others, the resistance is simply a financial and legal calculation. Haiti will need and estimated US$2.7 billion to eradicate the epidemic.

On October 2010, Nepalese soldiers from the UN Peacekeeping Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) carrying the cholera bacteria dumped their excrement into the Mirebalais River. That Mirebalais contamination spread to the Artibonite, the second most populated administrative region of Haiti. The epidemic spread from the Central Plateau to the Artibonite region and later to the entire country.  

Foreign reporters investigated the outbreak finding it suspicious that the country had not seen cholera in more than 200 years.  They collected physical proof of the origin of the epidemic and published pictures of trucks discharging excrement from the UN Nepalese base into the Mirebalais River. Journalists actually filmed the Nepalese soldiers frantically covering up the pipes that led directly from their latrines into a canal that connected directly to a tributary of the Artibonite River.

Covering up their role in this tragedy undermines the UN charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and everything they stand for. Fortunately, in this 24-hour news cycle, it is impossible to bury the facts. This bacterium took an immense toll on a country with scarce resources that were made even scarcer by one of the world’s most destructive earthquakes. To address this issue, the UN has offered a pitifully insufficient financial contribution, and it is barely meeting its goals.

Haitians believe in forgiveness and want good cooperation with the United Nations. But it is time for Secretary Ban to put aside the cover up strategy, acknowledge the facts and apologize to the Haitian people, particularly the victims. He needs to convene Haiti’s partners and multilateral institutions and develop a serious plan to help the Haitian government properly address and eradicate the epidemic and the victims thereof.

PLUS DE 400 NOUVEAUX SOLDATS SHRILANKAIS DE L'ONU EN HAITI: LES MESURES A PRENDRE POUR PROTEGER NOTRE PAYS PAR STANLEY LUCAS

Plus de 400 nouveaux soldats de la MINUSTAH venant du Shrilanka debarqueront bientot en Haiti, klike la: http://radiovision2000haiti.net/public/haiti-securite-400-casques-bleus-sri-lankais-en-route-vers-haiti/  Vu le comportement irresponsable et non professionnel de cette mission dans le passe Haiti doit se proteger. Il faut que les ministeres de La Justice, des Affaires Etrangeres et de la Sante Publique etablissent de nouvelles normes pour que ces soldats rentrent au pays. Nous n'allons pas laisser se repeter l'affaire des Nepalais qui ont amené la bacterie du cholera et ont cause l'épidémie. Chat ki pran nan dlo cho pe dlo fret.

Les comportements des employés de la Mission des Nations Unies en Haiti (MINUSTAH) sont inacceptables et on fait des dommages irréparables au pays, klike la: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/09/minustahs-filthy-record-in-haiti-by.html  . Nous connaissons tous ce dossier, des viols de femmes, aux actes de pédophilie, d'un assassinat d'une jeune transforme en suicide au Cap Haitien pour arriver a la bactérie choléra déposée en Haiti par les soldats Nepalais de la MINUSTAH qui a tue 8000 haitiens et contamines pres de 700.000 qui nous coutera USD$2.5 milliards que nous n'avons pas pour le nettoyage.

Les Nations Unies n'ont rien fait pour respecter leur propre norme et la charte universelle des droits de l'homme quand il s'agit des torts causes a notre pays. En Haiti les Nations Unies ont perdu leur moralité et une grande partie de leur crédibilité apres que la plupart des scientistes du monde ont établi que ce sont eux qui ont amene le cholera en Haiti. La premiere republique noire du monde attend toujours les excuses du Secretaire General, le dédommagement des familles qui ont perdu leurs proches et les USD$2.5 miliards pour nettoyer le pays de la bacterie du cholera, klike la: http://www.smh.com.au/opinion/politics/un-fails-to-get-its-hands-clean-in-haiti-20130302-2fctp.html Au moins l'envoye Special du Secretaire General en Haiti l'ancien President des Etats Unis Bill Clinto a eu la decence de reconnaitre que la MINUSTAH est responsable de l'epidemie, klike la: http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/world/story/2012-03-07/haiti-cholera/53402748/1

En attendant d'arriver la, voila les recommandations a appliquer avant le debarquement du nouveau contingent Shrilankais:

1. Le Secretariat des Nations Unies devra certifier au gouvernement Haitien que ces 400 soldats ne sont pas porteur d'aucun virus ou bactérie ou maladies capables creer une epidemie en Haiti

2. Le Ministere de la Sante Publique devra tester en toute independance ces nouveaux soldats qui rejoindront la MINUSTAH

3. Vu l'implication passe des soldats shrilankais dans des cas de viols en Haiti depuis 2007, klike la: http://www.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article12263 selon le nouvel accord que trouvera le Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres d'Haiti avec le Secretariat General des Nations Unies tout soldat implique dans des cas de viols ou d'abus sexuel sera juge en Haiti

Haiti Needs a Bailout and Effective Foreign Aid By Stanley Lucas

Background
On January 12, 2010 a 7.2 earthquake hit Haiti.  The country lost 320,000 people.  Not only was this a devastating blow to the population, it took a serious blow on the country’s workforce.  About 25% of those losses were from the civil service, 18% teachers and 9% doctors and nurses.  That day more than $12 billion of infrastructure was lost along with all the government buildings, 7,000 schools, and the only state university, 420,000 homes destroyed, bridges, roads, ports, communications, and electricity lines were also destroyed.  To compound the human and infrastructure losses, eight months later UN Nepalese soldiers introduced the cholera bacteria to Haiti’s water system by contaminating the Mirebalais River.  It is estimated that it will cost the country $1.5 billion to eradicate the bacteria.  The UN is not covering that cost.

Fast-forward to 2012 and Haiti is again hit by two destructive hurricanes, Isaac, which destroyed $300 million in agricultural goods, and Sandy, which destroyed all agricultural production in five key geographic departments of the country Grande Anse, South, Nippes, South East and West.  Four other departments were also partially hit.  These hurricanes resulted in 120 casualties and destroyed or damaged about 30 bridges, roads, schools and hospitals. 

This compounding devastation has lead to the possibility of political unrest.  Haiti imports 85% of the food that it consumes.  Since August 2012, the country has been on the list of 20 countries that will face food insecurity in the next year as global food prices will increase between 10 to 35%.  The big global food producers have lost 60% of their production to drought.  Facing these realities, Haiti needs a real bailout and more effective foreign aid.  Haiti does not have to be this fragile and vulnerable.  If the tremendous foreign aid resources that poured into the country post-earthquake were to be effectively deployed, Haiti would be better positioned to meet and weather these challenges.

National Response
The Haitian Government has put in place a national strategy that is comprised of assisting the vulnerable (women, senior and children) and creating jobs.  The Martelly Administration has launched a credit program for rural women entrepreneurs and food for work programs in the countryside.  In the agricultural sector, they have provided direct assistance to farmers who have lost their crops.  But their resources – both human and financial – are meager.

International Response
Since 2010 Haiti has been the beneficiary of unprecedented international solidarity.  More than $1.4 billion of private donations rolled in after the earthquake.  These donations were mainly doled out to 80 international NGOs.  From the U.S., Haiti received approximately $2.9 billion of bilateral assistance, and about the same amount from Venezuela and other bilateral donors.  The United Nations conference on how to assist Haiti led to a $10 billion combined commitment to the country.

Yet with all this money, we have yet to see results.  The well intentioned NGOs and experts have come with ideas and strategies that have not proven effective despite best efforts.  There simply is no cure for global poverty.  Often, however, these strategies fail to take into account (and have event bypassed completely) local input and at times have a partisan or ideological bent to them. For more see:  http://www.scribd.com/doc/112995727/HAITI-HUMAN-SECCURITY-IN-DANGER

Unfortunately, another group has attempted to exploit opportunities in Haiti for personal gain and to build their political dynasties back home.  Foreign profiteers and some “non-profiteers” have benefited from the aid money without delivering any results for the people.  It is this group that is now in control.  In practice, they have been enriching themselves on three fronts:  the first by taking advantage of foreign aid through their contractors, NGOs or foundations; second by leveraging bilateral aid destined for investment in Haiti to capture control of the country’s business sectors, including telecommunications, remittances, banking and so on; and third, by creating an alliance with the Dominicans to take control of the country by weakening its institutions, taking control of the strategic investments and the new natural resources that are being discovered.  Just in the last two years,  $40 billion dollars of gold, and prospective for oil  and diamonds has been discovered.

The reality is that for every $1 in foreign aid the Haitian Government receives $.01 and the Haitian people receive $.07.  The rest of that dollar goes to overhead, salaries, and travel budgets.  Clearly this is an ineffective model for aid.

Often when one calls for accountability by asking questions – like where did the money go; what are the organizations/institutions that received funds for Haiti; how much per organization; what did they deliver, and where and who got what – you become a pariah, see: http://www.disasteraccountability.org/ .  No one wants the Haiti aid scam exposed.  What seems to be the case is that foreign aid has become an industry for profit among cronies.  This may seem to be a cynical point of view, but one only has to look at the situation on the ground in Haiti to see that there have been no real results despite huge spending. 

Here is what happens in practice: 

    •    Country X from the Middle East donates $30 million for the reconstruction and recovery efforts

    •    International NGOs compete for that money arguing that the Haitian government is corrupt, incapable or lacks the skills to effectively deploy the money.  Typically, those with the best connections to the leadership of that country get the money. 

    •    That NGO receives the money for a set of programs.  Industry standard is to take 22% overhead and then a portion of the money is allocated to salaries, per diem and travel.  NGO jobs are not the low paying jobs they used to be.  Senior staff can make anywhere from $150,000 to $400,000 annually.  NGO staff makes a number of trips to Haiti.  Arguably they stay in the hotels and use the local drivers, which is a small boost to the economy.

    •    They are supposed to deliver a set of “deliverables” for the money.  When action finally starts – let’s say to build houses for the victims of the earthquake – a contractor, which is part of the well-connected network is hired.  They get paid $45,000 to build a house.  The house is valued at $7,500 and is constructed with substandard materials that will not withstand a hurricane and in some cases can use materials hazardous to health and not suitable to the climate.

At the bilateral level, the process is the same.  For example, Congress has allocated funds to Haitian victims in its foreign aid bill.  These funds, which are managed by USAID, have been awarded through no bid contracts.  One politically well-connected institution received $104 million to create more than 30,000 jobs in Haiti. The institution was investigated by the Inspector General, which found that less than 4,000 jobs have been created.  That is $26,000 per job.  These jobs typically pay about $500/year.  Nobody knows who is getting the State Department and USAID Funds for Haiti – let alone the Haitian Government which has requested that information in an effort to understand resources – or what deliverables have been promised.  Meanwhile narrative reports of achievements read like propaganda.  The discrepancies between what they said they have achieved and the reality of misery in the ground is shocking.

Bailout and Effective Aid
Haiti desperately needs an immediate bailout in the range of $3 billion.  To bypass the “usual suspects” who receive aid and fail to deliver, about 60% of these funds should be allocated directly to the Haitian private sector associated with foreign private investments.  These investments should go to agriculture and agro industry, infrastructure and communications, garment manufacturing, tourism, education and services.  Meanwhile bilateral foreign aid should go straight to the Haitian public sector, mainly the Ministry of Planning and Cooperation.  International technical experts with veto power over the funds could be placed within ministries to ensure that the funds are being used for their intended purposes.  With these refinements to the foreign aid process, we would expect to see concrete results.  In any event, what would be the downside in attempting a new way of doing business?  It is clear that the current system is not working and needs to be revamped.  Let’s give the Haitian people a chance to take control of their destiny.

Haiti, cholera and the U.N. BY Jane Chong and Muneer I. Ahmad

   MUNEER.AHMAD@YALE.EDU

Two years after Haiti’s deadly 2010 earthquake, a second humanitarian crisis continues to claim Haitian lives.

Whereas the first crisis was a natural disaster, the second — a massive outbreak of cholera — was man-made. Worse still, although the United Nations unwittingly caused the epidemic, the world’s largest humanitarian organization has disclaimed responsibility and has failed to address the legitimate demands of the thousands of Haitians affected.

In October 2010, U.N. peacekeeping troops stationed about 100 kilometers north of Port-au-Prince at a camp lacking basic sanitation facilities dumped human waste into a tributary of the Artibonite, the country’s largest river system. This set off what has become the world’s worst and fastest-spreading cholera epidemic, infecting over 500,000 people and killing more than 7,000.

Before late 2010, when U.N. troops arrived carrying pathogens from cholera-stricken Nepal, not a single case of cholera had been reported in Haiti for a century. Seven months after the outbreak, a U.N.-appointed independent panel of international experts released a report largely confirming what a number of epidemiological studies had already concluded: U.N. troops were the sole source of the disease. The report also found that the U.N. had failed not only to ensure proper sanitary waste disposal in accordance with its agreement with Haiti, but also to conduct adequate water safety tests or to take timely corrective measures when cholera exploded throughout the country.

As a result, by July 2011, cholera was spreading at the rate of one person per minute. In the absence of comprehensive efforts to combat the disease, cholera will plague Haiti for years to come. According to the U.N. Pan-American Health Organization, 200 new cholera cases continue to be reported daily, with an expected increase this month with the start of the rainy season.

Despite the U.N.’s clear culpability, the cholera victims have limited means of redress. According to the Status of Forces Agreement between Haiti and the United Nations, the victims have the right to file claims for unintentional harms caused by its personnel. Accordingly, the non-governmental organizations Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti and the Bureau des Avocats Internationaux have filed complaints on behalf of 5,000 victims. But the U.N. has failed to even set up a mechanism for receiving these claims, much less resolving them.

In the complaints delivered to the U.N., the victims request a public apology, compensation and new investments in water, sanitation and medical infrastructures as the highly contagious disease continues to debilitate the country. In the event that the U.N. continues to shirk its responsibility, the IJDH and BAI intend to seek legal redress. But the U.N. may attempt to claim qualified or absolute immunity — doctrines designed to shield certain international and sovereign entities from legal liability — to place itself beyond the power of the courts.

The U.N.’s continuing failure to account for its role in starting the epidemic is particularly disturbing given the organization’s humanitarian objectives. In 2004, the world body created the U.N. Stabilization Mission in Haiti, (known by its French acronym, MINUSTAH), “to ensure individual accountability for human rights abuses and redress for victims” and to “put an end to impunity” in Haiti.

MINUSTAH should hold itself to its own standards and provide redress to the thousands of victims who seek not a scapegoat, but a means to reverse U.N.-created harms. Accepting responsibility in this instance would give MINUSTAH the opportunity to reverse a tradition of U.N. impunity for its human rights violations in Haiti. In other instances of egregious misconduct — including the recent rape of a Haitian youth by U.N. soldiers, caught on video — the United Nations has failed to even issue an apology and has initiated only half-hearted and delayed investigations.

For the U.N. to claim immunity despite causing the cholera epidemic would amount to a refusal to live up to its agreement with Haiti, and a disavowal of the principles on which U.N. peacekeeping mission are based. And in the absence of a legal mechanism to address the victims’ complaints, hundreds of thousands of Haitians could be without remedy. For now, the crisis in Haiti continues to claim lives, and victims and their families have few places to turn.

Muneer I. Ahmad is a clinical professor at Yale Law School and directs the Transnational Development Clinic, of which Jane Chong, a second-year law student, is a member.

For more see:
1.  http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/11/cholera-in-haiti-is-united-nations.html
2. http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/11/cholera-in-haiti-new-opportunity-for.html
3. http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/05/un-releases-haiti-cholera-report-7500.html
4. http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/10/cholera-outbreak-status-by-stanley.html
5. http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/11/un-fires-on-haitians-protesting-against.html
6. http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/09/minustahs-filthy-record-in-haiti-by.html

Cholera in Haiti: New Opportunity for Funding Foreign NGOs by Stanley Lucas

    Brian Concannon

The Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti (IJDH) and their Haitian affiliate the Bureau des Avocats Internationaux (BAI) filed complaints with the United Nations on behalf of 5,000 Haitian cholera victims.  In October 201, a severe cholera epidemic broke out in Haiti killing 7,000 people and sickening another half million.  While the UN denied having any involvement in the introduction of the epidemic, Haiti had not seen a case of cholera in more than 50 years and the strain was traced back to South Asia where some of the UN troops resided (see: 1. http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/11/cholera-in-haiti-is-united-nations.html 2. http://www.cdc.gov/media/pressrel/2010/r101101.html  )

Now the IJDH and BAI are raising money to pursue the case.  They are requesting a minimum of USD 100,000 to compensate each victim who died from cholera, plus reasonable attorney’s fees and legal costs and expenses; and a minimum of USD 50,000 to compensate each victim who suffered illness and injury from cholera, plus reasonable attorney’s fees and legal costs and expenses. 

Furthermore, without ever approaching the Haitian Government, they have taken it upon themselves to also request, “that the UN enter into an agreement with

the Government of Haiti to establish and fund a countrywide program for clean water, adequate sanitation and appropriate medical treatment, to prevent the further spread of cholera.   The funds in this settlement should be furnished by the UN and allocated for measures that will end the cholera epidemic, including measures that improve (i) water quality and access; (ii) sanitation conditions; and (iii) access to medical services.”  They also note that, “Such measures will also limit the long-term liability of the UN for claims associated with cholera.”

At best, this seems an attempt to secure compensation for victims.  However, at worst, it seems an opportunistic attempt to capitalize on a tragic situation for fund raising purposes.  It is also unclear if the IJDH and BAI will collect a portion of the settlement, as is standard practice for tort lawyers or civil cases.  If so, there is an awful lot of money at stake.

The reason I am raising these questions is due to the head of IJDH’s track record in Haiti.  Mr. Brian Concannon has a long association with former Haitian President Aristide, who retainer Mr. Concannon for US$50.000/month paid for out of the meager coffers of the Haitian Government ( see: http://www.haitipolicy.org/Lobbying7.htm ).  His interests have seemed more to align with turning Haiti’s challenges and weak position into economic opportunity for him and his non-profit. 

Further, what is equally concerning is Mr. Concannon’s approach to this challenge.  Rather than offer the Haitian Government the technical and legal support to file and organize this case, he circumvented the government and pursued this project on his own.  This has been exactly the approach that has resulted in the failure of foreign aid in Haiti.  Many NGOs prefer to avoid the Haitian Government because it is weak and corrupt.  However, avoiding the Government only reinforces Haiti’s challenges.  Working to build capacity in the Government and train young Haitian prosecutors on how to file such a case would have actually left a lasting legacy of capacity with the Haitian system, which in turn would have strengthened the Government and its ability to provide for its people.  But that approach is very hard, and may not result in a big financial settlement.  It is much easier to exploit opportunities for your own organization’s gain.  In the end, I just hope that the 5,000 people that they promised justice, will actually see justice and receive some of that compensation

Minustah's filthy record in Haiti by Yves Engler

Independent reports concur that the cholera outbreak that has killed 6,200 Haitians was caused by reckless sewage disposal by Minustah troops. Photograph: Ramon Espinosa/ AP/AP

The overwhelming evidence is that the UN force in Haiti caused the cholera that has killed thousands: a highly symbolic tragedy

How much is a Haitian life worth to the UN? Apparently, not even an apology.

On 6 August, a unit of the 12,000 member United Nations Stabilisation Mission in Haiti (Minustah) http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/haiti based in the central plateau city of Hinche was caught dumping faeces and other waste in holes a few feet from a river where people bathe and drink. After complaints by locals and an investigation by journalists, city officials burned the waste near the Guayamouc river. The mayor of Hinche, André Renaud, criticised Minustah's flagrant disregard for the community's health and called for the expulsion of some foreign troops.

On 21 August, the UN was again accused of improper sewage disposal, 10 miles from Hinche.

As is their wont, Minustah officials simply deny dumping sewage. Last week, the UN released a statement claiming http://www.un.org/News/briefings/docs//2011/db110907.doc.htm they had no reason to dump waste since the base in Hinche built a treatment plant and sewage disposal on 15 June.

"The United Nations Mission for Stabilisation in Haiti (Minustah) formally denies being responsible for the dumping of waste in Hinche or elsewhere in the territory of Haiti."

For anyone who has followed Minustah's operations this denial rings hollow. Ten months ago, reckless sewage disposal at the UN base near Mirebalais caused a devastating cholera outbreak (pdf) http://www.hks.harvard.edu/var/ezp_site/storage/fckeditor/file/pdfs/centers-programs/centers/cid/ssp/docs/documents/2011/Haiti_Cholera_WSJ_110504.pdf . In October 2010, a new deployment of Nepalese troops brought the water-borne disease to Haiti that has left 6,200 dead and more than 438,000 ill.

The back story to this affair http://www.thestar.com/haiti/health/article/884333--un-base-under-scrutiny-over-cholera-outbreak-in-haiti is that the waste company managing the base, Sanco Enterprises SA, disposed of faecal matter from the Nepalese troops in pits that seeped into the Artibonite River. Locals drank from the river, which is how the first Haitians became infected with cholera http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/cholera . Officials for the UN and the contractor have passed the blame back and forth: the former saying the contractor is responsible for the dump site; the latter saying the UN and a previous contractor established the "procedures" for waste management.

Despite a mountain of evidence collected from local and international researchers, the UN refuses to take responsibility for the cholera outbreak. A November investigation by prominent French epidemiologist, Renaud Piarroux, pointed to the Nepalese troops as the probable origin of the cholera strain, as did a study published by the journal of the US Centre for Disease Control and Prevention http://www.cdc.gov/haiticholera/ and an investigation by Nepalese, Danish and Americans researchers at the Translational Genomics Research Institute in Arizona http://www.tgen.org/news/index.cfm?pageid=57&newsid=1988 . Released last Tuesday, the latter study showed that the genomes of bacteria from Haitian cholera patients were virtually identical with those found in Nepal when the peacekeepers left their country in 2010.

A week ago, Minustah spokesperson Vincenzo Pugliese said the international organisation was aware of the new study but maintained that "we follow the recommendations of the report released by the group of experts appointed by the secretary general." That report refused to pinpoint any single source for the cholera outbreak, concluding it was caused by a "confluence of circumstances".

The debate over cholera's origin takes places as the disease continues to ravage the country. In June, the beginning of the rainy season, there were a shocking 1,800 new cases per day.

Despite the ongoing impact of cholera and widespread anger at Minustah over the issue, the UN's sewage disposal has been of little interest to the international media. Recently, the weekly Haiti Liberté published a picture of a UN vehicle dumping sewage into a river on its front page, but an English-language Google search found no reports in the global press about the criticism towards the international organisation's waste disposal (aside from passing mentions in the leftist San Francisco Bay View and Truthdig).

Media indifference to the UN's lax health standards is mirrored in the aid world. Supposedly concerned with Haitian well-being, the innumerable foreign NGOs working in Haiti have said little about Minustah's waste disposal and disregard for public health. In fact, when the cholera outbreak began, various international humanitarian organisations belittled those calling for an investigation into its source.

A few weeks after the outbreak, Médecins Sans Frontières' head of mission in Port-au-Prince, Stefano Zannini, told Montreal daily La Presse, "Our position is pragmatic: to have learnt the source at the beginning of the epidemic would not have saved more lives. To know today would have no impact either." For their part, Oxfam criticised those who protested the UN bringing a disease with no recorded history in Haiti. "If the country explodes in violence, then we will not be able to reach the people we need to", an Oxfam spokeswoman, Julie Schindall, told the Guardian after the outbreak http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/nov/19/haiti-cholera-epidemic-protests .

Rather than support calls for greater accountability, the NGOs jumped to the UN's defence. Highly dependent on western government funding and political support, NGOs are overwhelmingly focused on a charitable model that fails to challenge the political or economic structures that cause the poverty and illness they seek to cure. But without political pressure, the practices that engender poverty and illness will continue, a point driven home with the UN's waste disposal and cholera. With no oversight, let alone penalty, Minustah will continue to dispose of waste however it sees fit.

So, how many Haitians must die before Minustah stops its dumping of sewage, reckless of public health? Besides immediately halting this dangerous practice, the force should apologise for introducing cholera to Haiti. And to make that apology meaningful, the UN should compensate Haitians by making the country cholera-free through massive investments in the country's sanitation and sewage systems.

For more see: Cholera in Haiti: Is the United Nations Mission trying to cover up the origin of the epidemic? By Stanley Lucas:  http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/11/cholera-in-haiti-is-united-nations.html

DES MATIERES FECALES DE LA MINUSTAH DEVERSEES A NOUVEAU DANS LES RIVIERES D'HAITI

MINUSTAH : Des matières fécales déversées à nouveau dans des rivières

mardi 23 août 2011 http://www.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article11428

Correspondance - Ronel Odatte

P-au-P, 23 aout 2011 [AlterPresse] --- Des matières fécales ont à nouveau été déversées dans les rivières du Plateau Central soulevant la grogne des habitants de la région, alors que la Mission des Nations Unies pour la Stabilisation d’Haïti (MINUSTAH) pointée dans l’affaire continue de nier toute responsabilité.

Une grande quantité de matières fécales a en effet été déversée sur une ligne de canalisation d’environ 15 mètres de long tôt dans la matinée du 21 août. Les déchets humains atteignent par cette canalisation la rivière Ahibon, qui se jette dans la rivière de Thomonde, affluent du fleuve Artibonite.

Le Fort Marmont (15 kilomètres de Hinche) est lui aussi souillé par ces déchets. Il s’agit de l’ancien lieu de prédilection de Charlemagne Péralte, héros et grande figure de la résistance haïtienne à l’occupation américaine (1915-1934).

Les habitants soutiennent qu’il s’agit de l’œuvre de la MINUSTAH qui a, selon eux, déversé un container rempli de matières fécales dans la canalisation. Des témoins rapportent avoir vu de leurs propres yeux dimanche à 4 heures 30 du matin, un camion de la MINUSTAH accomplir le méfait. Sur le moment, ils affirment avoir ignoré de quoi il s’agissait.

Des soldats de la MINUSTAH, accompagnés des agents de la police nationale qui étaient présents, ont démenti ces accusations. Un casque bleu indien a indiqué que « la MINUSTAH n’est impliquée ni de loin ni de près dans cet incident regrettable ».

Le 6 août des matières fécales avaient été déversées dans la rivière Guayamouc. Une communication de la MINUSTAH rejetant les allégations à propos de son implication dans cette opération a provoqué la furie des habitants.

Plusieurs dizaines de personnes ont manifesté le 21 août contre les casques bleus, les accusant de salir leur zone de résidence. Elles ont débloqué la circulation sur la route nationale #3, qui passe par Hinche.

La route n’a pu être débloquée qu’après une heure et demie de vives tensions, ponctuée par des coups de feu et des jets de pierre. Malgré le retour au calme les protestataires projettent d’organiser de nouvelles mobilisations jusqu’à ce que les militaires étrangers quittent le pays.

La crainte demeure également très vive dans la région. Se baigner dans la rivière Ahibon est une pratique courante, et son eau est consommée naturellement par les habitants.

« Maintenant tout le monde va être contaminé. Ce canal va drainer toutes ces matières fécales vers cette rivière qui nous est la plus proche (Ahibon), on est tous en danger », confient des habitants.

Des études scientifiques ont confirmé que l’épidémie de cholera est apparue dans le pays après que des matières fécales, en provenance d’une base de casques bleus népalais dans le Plateau Central, ont été déversées dans la nature. A date environ 6 mille personnes sont décédées du cholera.

Les autorités sanitaires du département du Centre ont fait état de 3200 cas de choléra entre juin et août 2011 dans la seule commune de Hinche.

Cenaré Philfrant, un dirigeant de l’organisation paysanne Mouvement Paysan de Papaye, se dit révolté devant ce qu’il qualifie de « méchanceté des forces onusiennes qui veulent à tout prix polluer notre environnement. Ils l’ont fait à Mirebalais, à Sully et aujourd’hui à Marmont », déplore t-il.

Cenaré Philfrant invite le président Michel Martelly à organiser le départ du contingent onusien responsable de cette opération.

Le président n’a jusqu’ici pas réagi aux faits enregistrés dans le Plateau Central. [ro kft gp apr 23/08/2011 12:00]

Des matières fécales déversées par la Minustah près d’une rivière à Hinche

mardi 9 août 2011 http://www.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article11380

Correspondance - Ronel Odatte

La population de la région du Plateau Central (est) réprouve les actes de la mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti (Minustah) qui a déversé en fin de semaine dernière des matières fécales prés de la rivière Guayamouc. Les autorités locales dénoncent ces pratiques, qualifiées de « vagabondage », moins d’un an après le déclenchement dans cette région de l’épidémie de choléra qui a déjà fait plus de 5000 morts à travers le pays.

Hinche, 9 août 2011 [AlterPresse] --- Les habitants du quartier de Sully à Hinche (est) sont en colère après que plusieurs camions de la mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti (Minustah) ont déversé, le 6 août 2011, des matières fécales dans des trous creusés à quelques mètres de la rivière Guayamouc.

Les riverains ont été alarmés, mais n’ont pas pu stopper l’opération, selon des témoignages recueillis sur place par AlterPresse.

Pour l’heure, c’est l’inquiétude qui règne, et personne ne veut emprunter la route menant vers cette partie du quartier de Sully, où les matières fécales dégagent une odeur nauséabonde.

Le maire de la ville, André Renard, qui s’est rendu sur les lieux en compagnie de plusieurs journalistes, n’a pas caché son indignation devant ce qu’il appelle « une atteinte à la dignité humaine ».

« Je réclame, une fois de plus, le départ du contingent népalais. Ce sont des porteurs de la bactérie Vibrio cholerae, ils viennent nous exterminer, il est temps qu’ils partent », ajoute-t-il.

André Renard exhorte la population a s’organiser en brigade de vigilance en vue d’empêcher toute action visant à utiliser leurs quartiers comme dépotoirs de matières fécales.

De son côté, le premier sénateur du Plateau Central, Franscisco Delacruz (Alternative), qualifie le déversement de matières fécales près de la rivière Guayamuc d’acte de « vagabondage ».

L’élu du centre se propose de s’entretenir avec les autorités compétentes de de l’organisation des Nations Unies (Onu) en vue de corriger cette situation.

Par ailleurs, des jeunes qui habitent le village Kiskeya (Hinche) demandent à lÉtat haïtien de prendre des dispositions pour débarrasser le sol national des forces étrangères. Ils menacent de créer des troubles, si leur voix n’est pas entendue.

Des membres de diverses organisations sociales, interrogés par AlterPresse, expriment leur réprobation des actes posés par la Minustah.

Pour eux, les forces onusiennes n’accordent pas d’importance à la vie des Haïtiens. Ils critiquent aussi l’attitude, apparemment insouciante, des responsables de l’État.

Jusqu’à dimanche dernier (7 août 2011), aucun responsable local de la Minustah ne s’était prononcé sur les actions reprochées à la force onusienne.

La thèse, selon laquelle les casques bleus népalais basés à Mirebalais (toujours dans le Plateau Central) ont importé en Haïti la souche de choléra, a été confirmée par des scientifiques, entre autres le Francais Renaud Piarroux.

L’argumentation - accusant la force onusienne dans la propagation du choléra en Haïti - est développée dans le numéro de juillet 2011 de la revue “Emerging infectious diseases”, une publication des centres nord-américains de contrôle et de prévention des maladies (Cdc).

Les scientifiques ont présenté des “preuves solides”, “suggérant fortement” l’implication d’un contingent de militaires onusiens, originaires du Népal, ayant contaminé une rivière haïtienne à cause des mesures sanitaires inappropriées sur leur base.

Mais cette thèse a été réfutée par la Minustah.

Dès octobre 2010, les riverains de la rivière de Mirebalais avaient pointé du doigt les militaires népalais dans l’introduction de l’épidémie du choléra, à partir de matières fécales jetées dans le fleuve de l’Artibonite qui traverse les départements géographiques du Centre et du Nord d’Haïti.

Il s’en était suivi plusieurs manifestations de protestations contre la force onusienne déployée en Haïti depuis juin 2011. [ro apr 09/08/2011 17:00]