Jean Bertrand Aristide, Amaral Duclona and the murder of Bernard Lauture in Haiti by Stanley Lucas

    A. Duclona         J.B. Aristide      J.P. Lauture       J.A.Nazaire

Ten years ago, a Haitian businessman named Claude Bernard Lauture, 51, and known as “Billy” was kidnapped and murdered.  This week the Court of Assise in Paris convicted Amaral Duclona, a Haitian national, of the murder and sentenced him to 25 years in jail.  If it weren’t for a Radio Vision 2000 interview with his widow, Marie Louise Michele Lauture, this conviction would have gone unnoticed. But on May 26, Marie Louise shared with the Haitian public her suffering and what she went though for the past ten years.  This was one of the most emotional interviews I have heard and was shocking for all listeners that day.  In it, she stated that former President Jean Bertrand Aristide was behind the murder, and she laid out his criminal mindset and the weaknesses of Haiti’s judicial system.

    Bernard Lauture

Bernard and Marie Louise Michele Lauture had five children over the course of a happy marriage.  He was a reliable and respected Haitian businessman in the electrical engineering field.  In 2003-04, the normally quiet couple took to the streets to peacefully protest against the growing repression and corruption in the Lavalas government led by Jean Bertrand Aristide.

By way of background, on November 26, 2000 Aristide put in place a puppet electoral body to steal the election.  News reports and Aristide supporters announced that he won a whopping 83% of the vote, but neglect to mention that voter turnout was about 1% and ballot boxes were stuffed.  Then President Bill Clinton and National Security   Anthony Lake  Lake legitimized the electoral coup by signing an eight-point agreement with Aristide, who conceded to implement a variety of democratic measure and promote the rule of law.  At that time President Clinton had so much invested in his foreign policy to Haiti given the 1994 military intervention that he had limited options to deal with the Aristide electoral coup.  Aristide knew it and tried to blackmail the President.

When Aristide took office, instead of implementing the agreement intended to bring return constitutional order to the country, he turned to his normal violent political tactics ignoring the offers for political dialogue and compromise made by the democratic opposition who were pressing the eight-point agreement.  Instead, he burned opposition party headquarters and the private residences of the opposition leadership; attacked women and youth organizations pressing for change; terrorized the press and human rights activists.  Many people died facing his wrath.

When it was clear that Aristide would not compromise, the Haitian citizens, with a proud tradition of holding their leaders accountable and standing up for democracy, rallied to demand Aristide’s resignation including members of his own coalition.  Again, Aristide decided that repression, kidnappings and killings were the best way to counter these peaceful protests.  He organized gangs and distributed machine guns and hand guns to the chimeres.  These gang members, the chimeres, were protected by a highly politicized police force that served Lavalas political goals.  Moise Jean Charles, a member of his Lavalas coalition and a sitting Senator, decided to counter Aristide’s violence by calling for the support of one of a former police commissioners, Guy Philippe, according to two Lavalas senators.  

It was in this context that Bernard’s kidnapping was organized and carried out.  During the interview with Marie Louise Michele, she gave a detailed account of how Amaral Duclona -- under the instruction of Aristide -- kidnapped and killed her husband.  She also shared details on how the police investigation and judicial proceeding led to the facts.  According to the interview and various documents of the police and judicial proceedings, a member of Bernard’s family, Mrs. Gladys Lauture, who was a close associate of Aristide, first approached Bernard.  Given his respected position in the community and growing stance against Aristide, he was offered various positions in the Lavalas cabinet, including Minister of Public Works and Infrastructure, in exchange for his support.  He declined.  Paraphrasing The Godfather, Gladys informed him that this was not an offer you can refuse.  Gladys’ son, Jean Paul Lauture, a student at MIT, and an associate of Aristide also warned Bernard saying that protesting against the President would not turn out well for him.  Bernard remained firm in his rejection. Gladys changed tactics and showed up at his house one day with a letter signed by the President appointing Bernard as a board member for the state owned electric company. Bernard was upset by this action, and said he was not for sale.  He again rejected the offer.  His wife admitted she counseled him to accept the position so as to not annoy President Aristide.  She suggested that he could resign after two meetings claiming that the position was interfering with his ability to manage his business and attend to family priorities.  He followed her advice.  

On January 6, 2004, Amaral Duclona, the head of one of Aristide’s gangs, kidnapped Bernard while he was on his way to pick up his kids at school.  Right before the kidnapping, Bernard was on the phone with his wife.  At the end of the conversation they told each other “I love you” as was their custom. They did not know that would be their last words or their last declaration of love.  Shortly thereafter, the kidnappers called the family and put Bernard on the phone with instruction on what to say.  The family could hear a voice in the background telling him to request US$100,000.  During that phone call, Bernard led the family to believe that he was in the Canapé Vert Commissariat.  The family contacted Gladys and pleaded with her to intervene due to her relationship with Aristide.  Meanwhile, Marie Louise Michele requested support from the French ambassador to Haiti given Bernard’s dual citizenship. 

During the trial, it came out that there was another kidnap victim in the cell with Bernard who managed to be freed.  According to the victim testimony, Amaral Duclona and Junior Charles, alias Yoyo Piman, a lieutenant of Amaral, were throwing Aristide pictures in Bernard’s face.

The link between Aristide, Amaral Duclona and Yoyo Piman was Jacques Anthony Nazaire, who was officially in charge of Aristide’s garage and car fleet, but was most known for managing the Aristide gangs.

Gladys Lauture told Michele Louise that she would see Aristide on her husband’s behalf.  Gladys contacted Aristide the same day and when she returned the following day she told Marie Louis Michelle that she was leaving the country for a medical visit scheduled months ago.  She vanished.

The family had no option but to await another call with instructions on where they should drop the money.  That call never came.  Instead, a heavily armed group of thugs went to the national morgue and dropped off the dead body of Bernard Lauture with specific instructions to the morgue guardian on where to place the corpse.  That day, Aristide’s gang members, or chimeres, had control of the streets in Port-au-Prince.  They destroyed several businesses and with blind and brutal violence went after anyone who opposed them.  

On January 8, the widow, Marie Louise Michele, went to the morgue aided by a childhood friend.  When she got there, a tearful morgue guardian asked her for forgiveness and told her that he did not know that was her husband.  He said that they give him specific instructions to poorly manage the corpse.  He retrieved Bernard’s dead body for her confirmation.  She saw at least 10 bullet holes in his lifeless body.  She was forbidden to take possession of his body at that point because according to Haitian law a medical examiner must conduct an autopsy prior to releasing the body.  She could not find the medical examiner.

When Marie Louise Michele was leaving the morgue, Jean Paul Lauture, on behalf of Jean Bertrand Aristide, threatened her.  He told her that the game she was playing with the French embassy is not going to be good for you.  Marie Louise Michele has not told anyone of her discussions with the French government, and replied, “I don’t understand what you are saying to me.”  My husband Billy is dead.  I did not even cry, when I saw him.  I got on my knees and prayed to God.  I said to God you gave him to me and now you took him back.  That’s your will, God.”  While she was saying those words, she heard Jean Paul on his cell phone say, “Yes, Excellency”.  He then said, “You don’t with who I am talking? I am talking with President Jean Bertrand Aristide.”  Jean Paul said that the President asked me to convey a message to you, Marie Louise Michele: “A dog with tale does not cross fire,” which in creole means that you better be careful or your kids (the tale) are next.  This remark betrayed the fact that Aristide was worried about the French embassy investigation.  

Facing these threats from Aristide, Marie Louise Michele and her five children fled Haiti to exile in Madrid.  Before to her departure, aided by a Haitian human rights organization, she filed her deposition on her husband’s murder with the Haitian judicial system through the Office of Commissaire du Gouvernement. Aristide had that office ransacked and her file disappeared.

While the Haitian judicial proceeding was essentially dead, the French judicial system was still proceeding with an investigation.  During the judicial proceedings in France, Jean Paul Lauture was summoned by the court to testify.  He declined saying that it would disrupt his studies at MIT.  Both Gladys and Jean Paul escaped prosecution despite their full awareness of Aristide’s intent to kidnap and murder Bernard and their role as intermediaries in delivering specific threats against the family. 

Marie Louise Michele believes that Gladys and Jean Paul were merely functionaries and messengers.  Rather, she fully believes that despite the conviction of Duclona, former President Aristide is the guilty party and evidence presented during the trial, including phone records and witness testimony, supports that.  The judicial proceedings established that Amaral Duclona was responsible for Bernard Lauture’s killing, but Marie Louise Michele believes that Jacques Anthony Nazaire and Aristide should have to face a jury as well, but knows they never will.  She deplores that the Haitian judicial system is weak and witnesses in Haiti are still afraid of the perpetrators.

Quite unfortunately, she has a valid point and is not the only family to face this tragedy.  The judicial proceedings for the assassination of the journalist Jean Dominique in 2000 are ongoing.  Over the past 14 years, Aristide has had witnesses killed and used political power to block justice.  Four months ago, Judge Yvickel Dabrezil concluded his findings and identified the nine people responsible for Jean Dominique killing.  All of them henchmen of former President Aristide, who allegedly had him killed because Dominique represented a threat to his return to power. The investigation into the murder of Venel Joseph, a former governor of Haiti’s Central Bank, is facing similar political pressure.  Venel was going to travel to Miami to testify in U.S. court about a telecommunications corruption scandal. His son, Patrick Joseph, was already in U.S. judicial custody and provided details on Aristide’s telecommunications corruption in Haiti.  Two days before Venel’s trip, an article appeared in the Miami Herald revealing what he was going to do, and Aristide had him executed.

For me, and I imagine all listeners, hearing what this woman went through with her kids in Haiti, the sheer terror they faced, and their subsequent struggles to adapt to life in a foreign land was heartbreaking.  When she was asked how she survived, she said her faith was key.

In addition to recounting the facts, she talked openly about the deep emotional impact the murder and subsequent political persecution had on her children.  The kids faced mockery from their schoolmates based on rumors surrounding the murder.  She said her kids would hang their heads in shame.  With this court ruling, her kids can lift their heads in pride for a father who was a political hero; a man who never backed down in the face of threats and bullies.  He stands in the company of Haitian greats like Sylvio Claude and Jacques Roche who fought for their people and never backed down.  Bernard was a man of principle.  As Winston Churchill once said – “if you have enemies, it means you stood up for something in your life”.  Bernard did just that.  Unfortunately, his enemies made him pay the ultimate price.

In the end, this is a hollow victory, she said.  Despite the conviction, they can never return to their home while Aristide remains in country.

The Florida Elections: A Missed Opportunity for Haitians? By Stanley Lucas

The August 24 Florida primary was an historic opportunity for Haitian-Americans to enter national level politics in the United States.  Representative Kendrick Meeks (D) vacated his Congressional seat in District 17, home to the biggest concentration of Haitian-Americans in the country, to run for the Senate.  Four Haitian-American candidates emerged as candidates for the District 17 Democratic primary.  While their enthusiasm was admirable, several analysts (myself included) warned that if four candidates stood for elections, they would split the Haitian vote, and undermine the chances of a Haitian-American victory.  There were calls for them to come together for the greater good, and coalesce around one candidate with the most support in the Haitian-American community and the best chance to win.  We noted that our countrymen in Haiti needed the Diaspora support more than ever.  Unfortunately, the candidates were unmoved by these calls, and insisted on proceeding with their campaign.  As predicted, Haitian-American candidates cumulatively won the race, but split the vote and squandered this rare opportunity.

 

The division of the Haitian-American vote resulted in the election of a popular African-American candidate, Fredrica Wilson (68).  Frederica won 34.5% of the vote and is expected to win the November election in this strongly Democratic district.  Haitian-American Rudy Moise came in second place with 16.12%, and the three other Haitian-American candidates received 10.21%, 8.45% and 5.99% respectively.  In other words, Haitian-American candidates earned 40.77% of the vote -- enough for a comfortable win.  If there were only one Haitian-American candidate, it is likely s/he would have won by an even larger percentage as we could have consolidated resources and mounted an even strong campaign.

 

Prior to the election, on my blog www.solutionshaiti.blogspot.com  , I conducted four informal polls asking which of the four candidates had the best chance to win.  To be sure, my polls were unscientific; however, they very accurately that Rudy Moise would get the most amount of support in the primary among the four candidates.

 

Unfortunately the dream of having national level representation is now over.  Haitian-Americans only make up a majority of the vote in very few communities and nowhere more prominently than in District 17.  It is incredibly difficult to challenge an incumbent as we also saw last night as the establishment candidates throughout the country beat their challengers even in this atmosphere of “anti-incumbency”. 

 

On the state level, the results were mixed.  Unfortunately Alix Desulme lost in District 108 by a mere 356 votes.  Better turnout would have certainly edged him to victory.  In District 104, John Patrick Julien won with 39.96% -- congratulations to him!

 

So what are the lessons learned from this experience?  If we can get behind one Haitian-American candidate, we have a good chance of winning – and winning handily in areas that are Haitian-American.  We also need to turnout to support Haitian-American candidates.  They often lose by very small margins, as we saw in District 108, while thousands of Haitian-Americans fail to turnout to vote.  Additionally, if we had a truly unified coalition of Haitian Diaspora in the US, this group could be a powerhouse for endorsements and fundraising for Haitian-American candidates.  And finally, we have relearned the lesson of our founding fathers:  “In Unity There is Strength”!

 

On a separate note, the Florida elections remind us about what elections should be:  free and fair.  Unfortunately, our country is now heading into the election season without any hope of free and fair elections.  The huge toll on the electoral infrastructure from the earthquake and the totally partisan composition of the CEP (Provisional Electoral Council) have opened an avenue for President Preval to put in place an electoral coup (for additional information see: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/08/will-us-act-to-promote-free-and-fair.html ).  The Haitian Diaspora can play a huge role in promoting democratic elections by joining with their countrymen in demanding a non-partisan and upstanding CEP to oversee these critical elections.  We can also work together to encourage the United States to hold funding for the elections unless certain changes are made in country, including a reshuffling of the CEP.  These measures would go a long way to promoting democracy and transparency in our country.

Haiti: La Presse INDEPENDANTE Est-elle Moribonde? Par Stanley Lucas

"Je dedie l'article suivant a mes amis Jacques Roche assassine le 10 Juillet 2005 et Wanel fils decede le 12 Janvier"

 

Quel est le role de la presse Haitienne en 2010? Dans quel contexte evolue-t-elle? Quel est son role dans l’organisation d’elections libres, honnetes et democratiques? Quel est le role de la presse Haitienne dans l’analyse du profil et comportement de ceux qui organisent des elections en Haiti? Quel est le role de la presse Haitienne dans l’analyse des candidatures a la presidence, au senat et a la chambre des deputes? La Presse Haitienne est-elle devenue moribonde?

 

Depuis les années 1820, avec Felix Darfour la presse independante Haitienne joue un role majeur dans notre quete de democratie et de developpement economique. Dans les annees 70 avec Gasner Raymond le Petit Samedi Soir etait le porte drapeau de la democratie. Des journalistes de l’hebdomadaire sous la direction de Pierre Clitandre, prenaient des risques enormes pour enqueteR et publier des dossiers sur la corruption, l’etat du pays et la democratie. Comment oublier par la suite, le journal Enquetes d’Ady Jean Gardy et qui apporta au pays un immense espoir democratique à partir de 1986? Au debut des annees 90 ce fut l’emergence de la presse militante, elle contribuera a la defaite des militaires et a l’election de Jean Bertrand Aristide. Ce fut cette meme presse qui fera face a Aristide lorsqu’il prit la route de la repression et de la corruption.

 

Depuis le retour de Rene Preval au pouvoir en 2006 la presse Haitienne affronte cinq grandes difficultes:

 

La premiere difficulte est la nouvelle tactique du pouvoir pour faire de la presse une prolongation du pouvoir d’Etat selon la vision fascite de Mussolini et de Staline. Ceci entraina le sabotage du travail des medias et journalistes independants avec le support de ses creatures qui formeront a sa demande une commission-bidon de journaleux pour noyer le poisson des assassinats commis sous son premier mandat et celui de son marassa Aristide. L’objectif de Preval etait d’empecher l’identification des auteurs intellectuels, des organisateurs de ces assassinats et de mener des dilatoires sans punir personnes. Cette commission formee de politiciens-journalistes, sortis de sa chambre à coucher, recevra des millions de la presidence pour faire “ce travail” de scélérats, sans duper personne non plus. Preval profita de l’occasion pour acheter d’autres journalistes qui avaient grand gout et les mettre a son service. Ils offrirent a Preval ce qu’il attendait: ignorer les auteurs intellectuels et organisateurs de l’assassinat de Brignol Lindor et de Jean Dominique alors que des petits excutants furent punis a l'aide d'une justice expeditive qui ne posait pas de question. Les assassins du journaliste independant Jacques Roche furent tout aussi bien ignorés dans ce processus ou les journalistes de Preval etaient a la fois enqueteurs, policiers, commissaire du gouvernement, juge et porte parole.

 

Preval qui n’a jamais aimé les journalistes fit fermer le Ministere de l’Information, le remplacant par un Ministere de la Culture (musiques, theatre, comedies, vulgaires propagandes de marchands de betises etc ) pour gerer entre autres ses soufreteux des médias d’Etat, dont la plupart se firent inscrire au Parti Unité (connu sous le sobriquet INIQUITE). Plusieurs de ces soi-disant journalistes recrutes par le parti INIQUITE se presenteront comme candidats de l’Inite aux elections legislatives de Fevrier 2010. A cause du tremblement de terre du 12 Janvier ces elections n’ont pas eu lieu et ils se preparent maintenant à recevoir leurs sieges de parlementaires couillons dans le cadre du coup d'etat electoral prepare par le CEP de Gaillot Dorsainvil.

 

La seconde tactique utilisee était de jeter le discredit sur les medias qui ne repetaient pas leur propagande. Radio Kiskeya a ete leur cible pendant un moment et a su resister. Radio Signal a prefere reculer un peu avant de repartir au combat. Apres l’echec de l’application de la politique de la carotte pourrie (corruption) aupres de certains journalistes qui persistaient a rester independants le pouvoir changeait de tactique et passa aux menaces d’elimination physique et la violence. C’est ce qui est arrive dans le cas d’Euvrard Saint Amand, le journaliste qui animait l’emission Intersection sur radio Caraibe qui a du laisser le pays et vivre en exil. Les journalistes Corvington de radio Galaxie et Carlasse de radio RCH 2000 vivent les menaces chaque jour.

 

La troisieme tactique a été de prendre en main adroitement l’Association Nationale des Proprietaires de Medias (ANMH) avec de nouveaux dirigeants qui defendent le pouvoir a tous les coups, meme quand des directeurs de medias sont la cible d’assassins tels le Directeur de Radio Caraibe (Moussignac) qui a failli etre assassiné et que le President de l’ANMH envoya sur les épines en affirmant qu’il avait subi un attentat non en sa qualite de Directeur de Media mais en sa qualite d’entrepreneur. Pourtant quand un autre directeur de radio de la capitale a failli etre kidnapé le traitement de l'affaire par l'ANMH a ete different. Pourquoi 2 poids deux mesures ? Parce que Moussignac ne fait pas partie du Groupe de Bourdon (secteur economique rapace au service du pouvoir)? Ne faudrait-il pas interviewer un journaliste independant comme Pierre Manigat pour comprendre?

 

L’ANMH n’est plus pour pour l’independance de la presse. Elle est formée de deux groupes: un secteur proche de Preval, desabillé completement devant lui. Un autre qui comprend des membres ou proches du Groupe de Bourdon. Le Groupe de Bourdon est un cartel corrompu des affaires qui detient l’ensemble des monopoles d’Haiti et controle les secteurs financier et bancaire grace a leur proximite du pouvoir. Les proches de Preval on une influence sur qui devient redacteur en chef des salles des nouvelles et les reportages qui arrivent au micro. Ils ont fait balayer une grande partie des journalistes independants. Le Groupe de Bourdon a deux impacts sur ces medias. Le premier c’est que la plupart des proprietaires de medias au sein de l’ANMH pretent de l’argent de la grande banque INITE BANK qui appartient au Groupe de Bourdon. Ces prets deviennent un levier de pression sur la salle des nouvelles. En plus le groupe de bourdon a travers la publicite fait pression sur les medias et souvent joue une role determinant sur les histoires a couvrir, les invites a ignorer ou a inviter. Nombreux sont les journalistes qui ne seraient pas au chomage aujourd’hui s’ils avaient acceptes de se laisser remplir la gorge de ces carottes pourries et s’ils avaient mis leurs personnalités dans leurs chaussettes.

 

La quatrieme tactique est venue de la MINUSTAH avec les gros moyens disponibles a recrute un bon nombre de journalistes Haitiens faire fonctionner leur radio et leur section communications sour la direction de quelques etrangers. L’objectif est de contrer la presse locale et avancer leur agenda d’occupants. Dans le cadre de cette propagande politique les moyens sont aussi utilises pour “la formation” et donner de “l’assistance” aux journalistes Haitiens qui travaillent dans les medias indepedants. En suivant la radio des Nations Unies en Haiti on se rendra compte que depuis quelques mois les leaders Haitiens qui critiquent la mission ne font plus partie de leur programmation. Ils sont en train de “faire repeter” a la presse Haitienne ce qu’ils veulent leur faire repeter : elections, elections , elections magouilles ou non, en passant du beurre sur le candidat de Preval,  Jude Celestin.

 

Enfin la cinquieme tactique est l’utilisation de mercenaires de la presse internationale comme aux temps de Baby Doc, dont 4 « journalustres » dans des quotidiens americains deux journalistes Haitiano-americains en Floride, un a New York et un autre a Washington. Ces journalustes sont payes jouent un role de lobbystes informels. Leurs analyses en general sont des histoires preparees ou proposees par les conseillers de Rene Preval et du Groupe de Bourdon. Leur role comme journalustres payes et aux ordres de Preval est de faire avancer a travers des publications l’agenda de Preval et du groupe de bourdon. Ils ne font que lustrer la vitrine. Leurs informations tronquées publiees a partir de l’etranger sont ensuite relayees par les journalistes de Preval et du Groupe de Bourdon en Haiti.

 

Les journalistes independants en Haiti sont seuls dans cette jungle, a part quelques fois des rapports de solidarite venant de Medecins Sans Frontieres (RSF), de la Commission Interamericaine des Droits Humains quand ils sont menaces et de la Federation de la Presse Haitienne (FPH) qui documentent ce qui se passe jour apres jour et travaillent efficacement avec des organisations sœurs contre le desordre interne sans faire sonner les trompettes .

 

Avec cette situation, il est difficile aux journalistes independants, noyés dans la melee, d’ expliquer a la population de facon plus approfondie pourquoi les membres du Conseil Electoral Provisoire corrompue et des BEC sont des domestiques partisans du regime qui prevaut avec Preval. Les journalistes independants dans les salles de nouvelles sont sous pressions des directeurs des salles des nouvelles qui eux recoivent des pression des president proprietaires. C’est ce qui explique l’absence d’analyse sur seize candidats qui legalement auraient du etres disqualifies.

 

Tout le monde a peur et Ils sont rares les journalistes militants qui continuent de resister. Ces journalistes Haitiens sont des heros. Ce sont pour la plupart des jeunes qui pour un salaire derisoire prennent de grands risques dans ce metier honorable. Ils sont des fois battus, maltraites et exiles quand on n’a pas le temps de les tuer.

 

Le journaliste Haitien doit seul faire face a la violence politique du pouvoir et la violence economique du Groupe de Bourdon. Etre journaliste en Haiti est diffcile, c’est un métier ingrat. Je dois presenter ma medaille d’honneur aux journalistes Daly Valet, Jean Monard, Clarens Renoua, Lesly Jacques, Rotchild Francois Junior, Herold Emmanuel, Euvrard Saint Amand, Metellus, Pierre Manigat, Ady Jean Gardy, Lilliane Pierre Paul, Franck Charlot, Freo Lamonge, Charles Harrison Ernest, Lavaud Fevry, Saint Juste, Hebda Abdallah, Dieudonne Federme, Michel Soukar, Robert Benodin, Harry Joseph, Yves Clausel Alexis, Paul Ignace Janvier, Vasthie Desir, Luko Jasmin, Alex Saint Surin etc...et les autres noms que j'ai oublie. Ici en Haiti ou en exil, ils continuent de se battre et que Preval le veuille ou non leur lumiere si vivante et si forte vaincra un jour les tenebres que son regime de mort a jeté sur le pays…