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Showing posts with label Haiti earthquake. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Haiti earthquake. Show all posts

Saturday, January 11, 2014

HAITI 12 JANVYE 2014: APRE 4 LANE KÈK CHIF KE NOU TA DWE KONNEN pa Stanley Lucas


Apre 4 lane depi ke goudougoudou pase sou Ayiti tout moun ap mande kote mas lajan key o bay pou peyi nou pase?  Mwen di tout moun pa bliye ke manman lajan rekonstriksyon an pa pase nan men Ayisien. Akoz lwa ijans lan ke iresponsab ki te nan tèt leta a te pibliye an 2010 se etranje yo a travè CIRH ki te ranmasse, kontwole ak depanse manman lajan rekonstriksyon lan. Mezanmi pa di ke map di lan tanko Moise non.


Mezanmi sepa ti kob non ke mesye ak medam etranje yo fè gagot ladanl. Mwen men’m mwen pa anti etranje. Mwen se yon neg ki kwè nnan kooperasyon men lè gen dezod fok nou lonje dwèt sou dezod la. Fok nou pa bliye ke alepok ekonomi mondyal la tap mache, pa gen lajan ditou ki tap sikile. Kidonk lè reken etranje wè lajan kap vide sou Ayiti ki te reprezante yon bon sos, you tout plonje al fè bè yo. E se pousa ke etranje yo mete men sou lajan rekonstriksyon lan e se yo tou ki depanse 99% kob sa yo. Sot ki bay embesil ki pa pran. Eske Preval te embesil? Mwen pa kwè sa, lit e konnen sal tap fè, seli ki dwe vin eksplike poukisa li te fèsa. Ti video ak dokimantè ki fèt pou proteje misye pa sifi.  Malgre lobèy sa yo, tampri souple, pinga yo vin di ke ayisien kowompi paske lajan yo pa jamen ateri nan men nou. Si gen eksplikasyon ki pou bay sou ki kote lajan yo pase, se etranje yo ki pou bay li paske se nan men yo ke lajan ke yo te bay pou viktim Ayiti yo ye. 12 Janvye 2014 dwe reprezante yon jou tèt ansamb pou nou mande kote lajan yo voye pou pep Ayisien lan pase? Men kèk chif ke nou dwe konnen:


Kombyen Ayisien ki mouri le 12 Janvye 2010: 320.000

Kombyen Ayisien ki te deplase apre 12 Janvye 2010: 3 Millions

Kombyen fanmi ki te pedi kay: 420.000

Kombyen Ayisien ki tap viv amba tant apre 12 Janvye 2010:  1.6 Million

Kombyen kob ke Ayiti pedi 12 Janvye 2010: $12 Milliards

kombyen Ayisien ke kolera MINUSTAH touye depi Octobre 2010: 8500+

Kombyen Ayisien ke kolera MINUSTAH kontamine: 780.000

Kombyen jou ki pase san ke MINUSTAH pa prezante Ekskiz bay Pep Ayisien pou kolera de li lage nan peyi Dayiti: 1169

Kombyen kob, lajan ke Ayiti bezwen pou netwaye kolera MINUSTAH: $2.6 Milliards

Kombyen kob ke yo bay Ayiti onivo miltilateral: $7.5 Milliards


Kombyen kob ke gouvenman Meriken remet ONG ak kompayi prive meriken pou Ayiti: $2 Milliards rete $1 milliard ki poko depanse

Kombyen kob milite Meriken depanse pou distribye medikaman, manje dlo, bato lopital elatrye apre 12 Janvye 2010: $1.2 Milliard

Kombyen kob ke gouvenman Meriken depanse pou ede konstwui Pak endistryel Nodès: $124 Millions


Kombyen kob chak ONG ak Kontraktè Meriken recevwa pou Ayiti de gouvenman Meriken: Gen yon fonksyonè Depatman Deta ki move chak fwa ke mwen poze kesyon sa

Kombyen kob sitwayen Meriken remèt 80 ONG meriken pou Ayiti: $1.9 Milliards


Kombyen Ayisien ki recevwa TPS nan men gouvènman Meriken apre 12 Janvye: 60.000

Kobyen nan 110.000 Ayisien ke fanmi yo Ozetazini aplike pou rezidans e ki apwouve par Homeland Security ke gouvènman Meriken kite rantre: 0

Kombyen Kob gouvènman Kanada remèt ONG Kanada pou Ayiti: $1 Milliard


Kombyen Lajan Lakwa Wouj Washington ranmasse pou Ayiti: $486 Millions

Kombyen kob ke gouvènman Ayisien recevwa kom sipo bidjetè an 2011: $68 Millions

Kombyen kob ke gouvènman Ayiti jwen sou chak $100 dola ke etranje yo depanse an Ayiti: 10 centimes

Kombyen kob sa koute pou konstwui kay pou 100 employes ambasad Meriken Ayiti: $100 Millions


Kombyen kob sa koute gouvènman Matelly a pou retire 1.1 Million Ayisien Amba tant: $98 Millions

Kombyen kob sa koute pou konstwui kay pou 750 travayè nan Karakol: $20 Millions

Kombyen Ayisien kap viv amba tant toujou: 160.000

Ki pousantaj nan lajan ke etranje ap depanse pou Ayiti pandan 2013 kal jwen oganizasyon natif natal peyi a: 3%

Sunday, January 15, 2012

Mais où diable est passé l'argent de la reconstruction ? par Bill Quigley & Amber Ramanauskas, CounterPunch


Deux ans après le séisme de janvier 2010, le pays est loin de s'être remis debout. Peut-être est-ce parce qu'il a à peine vu la couleur des dons promis ? L'enquête du site américain CounterPunch détaille dans quelles poches sont tombées les sommes versées par Washington.

En Haïti, on dirait que le tremblement de terre a eu lieu il y a deux mois, et non il y a deux ans. Plus de 500 000 personnes n'ont toujours pas de logement et vivent dans des camps informels ; le sol est encore jonché de tous les débris des bâtiments en ruine, et le choléra a été introduit dans le pays et s'est transformé en une épidémie meurtrière qui a déjà tué des milliers de personnes et continue d'en toucher des milliers d'autres.

La vérité, c'est que pratiquement aucun don du public n'a directement été envoyé en Haïti. Les Haïtiens n'ont à peu près aucun contrôle sur cet argent, mais si l'on en croit l'Histoire, il est probable qu'on leur reprochera ces échecs – un petit jeu appelé : "Accusons la victime".

Comme beaucoup d'autres personnes dans le monde, les Haïtiens se demandent où est passé l'argent. Voilà sept endroits où les dons sont ou ne sont pas allés.

1) Le bénéficiaire principal de l'argent octroyé par les Etats-Unis après le tremblement de terre s'est révélé être le gouvernement des Etats-Unis. Il en va de même pour les donations des autres pays.

Juste après le séisme, les Etats-Unis ont consenti une aide de 379 millions de dollars et ont envoyé 5 000 soldats. L'agence américaine Associated Press a découvert en janvier 2010 que 33 centimes de chacun de ces dollars avaient en fait été rendus directement aux Etats-Unis pour compenser le coût de l'envoi des troupes militaires. Pour chaque dollar, 42 centimes ont été envoyés à des ONG publiques et privées comme Save the Children, le Programme alimentaire mondial des Nations Unies et l'Organisation panaméricaine de la santé.

L'ensemble du 1,6 milliard de dollars alloué par les Etats-Unis au secours d'urgence a été dépensé de la même façon : 655 millions de dollars ont servi à rembourser le département de la Défense, 220 millions ont été envoyés au département de la Santé et des Services à la personne pour qu'il aide les Etats américains à fournir des services aux réfugiés haïtiens, 350 millions ont été affectés à l'aide d'urgence fournie par l'Agence des Etats-Unis pour le développement international (Usaid), 150 millions sont partis au département de l'Agriculture pour participer à l'aide alimentaire d'urgence, 15 millions au département de la Sécurité intérieure pour couvrir les frais d'immigration, etc.

L'aide internationale a été répartie de la même façon. L'envoyé spécial des Nations unies pour Haïti a révélé que l'argent du fonds humanitaire, soit 2,4 milliards de dollars, avait été distribué de la façon suivante : 34 % ont été renvoyés aux organismes civils et militaires des donateurs pour l'intervention d'urgence, 28 % attribués à des agences des Nations unies et à des ONG, 26 % alloués à des sociétés privées et à d'autres ONG, 5 %  reversés à des sociétés nationales et internationales de la Croix-Rouge, 1 % a été versé au gouvernement haïtien et 0,4 % à des ONG haïtiennes.

2) Seulement 1 % des dons a été envoyé au gouvernement haïtien. Selon l'agence Associated Press, sur chaque dollar accordé par les Etats-Unis pour l'aide d'urgence, moins d'un centime est parvenu au gouvernement haïtien. Il en va de même avec les autres donateurs internationaux. Le gouvernement haïtien n'a absolument pas été mis à contribution dans le cadre de l'intervention d'urgence menée par les Etats-Unis et la communauté internationale.

3) Des sommes dérisoires sont parvenues aux entreprises et aux ONG haïtiennes. Le Center for Economic and Policy Research, la meilleure source d'information qui soit dans ce domaine, a analysé les 1 490 contrats attribués par le gouvernement américain entre janvier 2010 et avril 2011, et s'est rendu compte que seuls 23 d'entre eux avaient été accordés à des entreprises haïtiennes. Dans l'ensemble, les Etats-Unis ont distribué 194 millions de dollars à des sous-traitants, dont 4,8 millions seulement à des sociétés haïtiennes, soit environ 2,5 % du total. Quant aux sociétés privées de la région de Washington DC, elles ont reçu 76 millions de dollars, soit 39,4 % du total.

L'ONG Refugees International a indiqué que leurs collaborateurs sur place avaient eu du mal à accéder aux réunions opérationnelles organisées dans le complexe des Nations unies. D'autres ont noté que la plupart des réunions de coordination de l'aide internationale n'étaient même pas traduites en créole, langue que parlent la majorité des Haïtiens !

4) Un pourcentage non négligeable de l'argent a été transmis aux organismes internationaux d'assistance et aux grandes organisations non gouvernementales faisant partie de réseaux influents. La Croix-Rouge américaine a reçu plus de 486 millions de dollars de dons pour Haïti. Selon l'organisation, deux tiers de cet argent a servi à sous-traiter l'intervention d'urgence et la reconstruction, bien qu'il soit difficile d'obtenir plus de détails. Le salaire annuel du PDG de la Croix-Rouge est supérieur à 500 000 dollars par an [390 000 euros, soit 33 000 euros par mois].

On peut aussi mentionner le contrat de 8,6 millions de dollars entre Usaid et la société privée CHF, chargée de nettoyer les décombres dans Port-au-Prince. CHF est une entreprise de développement international qui, politiquement, fait partie de réseaux influents, qui a un budget annuel de plus de 200 millions de dollars et dont le PDG a gagné 451 813 dollars [354 000 euros] en 2009. Les bureaux de CHF en Haïti "sont installés dans deux hôtels particuliers spacieux de Port-au-Prince et l'entreprise dispose d'une flotte de véhicules flambant neufs," selon le magazine Rolling Stone.

Rolling Stone a également révélé l'existence d'un autre contrat, d'une valeur de 1,5 million dollars, accordé au cabinet de conseil Dalberg Global Development Advisors, dont le siège est à New York. Selon l'article, le personnel de Dalberg "n'avait jamais vécu à l'étranger, n'avait aucune expérience en matière de catastrophe naturelle ou d'urbanisme, et n'avait jamais été responsable de programmes sur le terrain", et seul un membre de l'équipe parlait français.

Le 16 janvier 2010, George W. Bush et Bill Clinton ont annoncé le lancement d'une collecte de fonds pour Haïti. En octobre 2011, les dons avaient atteint la somme de 54 millions de dollars. Deux millions ont contribué à la construction d'un hôtel de luxe en Haïti, pour un budget total de 29 millions de dollars.

5) Une partie de l'argent a été versée à des entreprises qui profitent des catastrophes naturelles. Lewis Lucke, un coordinateur haut placé d'Usaid, a rencontré le Premier ministre haïtien deux fois à la suite du tremblement de terre. Il a ensuite démissionné et a été embauché – pour un salaire mensuel de 30 000 dollars - par la société Ashbritt, installée en Floride (déjà célèbre pour avoir obtenu des subventions considérables sans appel d'offres après l'ouragan Katrina) et par un partenaire haïtien prospère, afin de faire du lobbying pour obtenir des contrats. Lewis Lucke a déclaré qu'il était "devenu évident que si la situation était gérée correctement le séisme pouvait apparaître comme une opportunité autant que comme une calamité". Ashbritt et son partenaire haïtien se sont rapidement vu attribuer un contrat de 10 millions de dollars sans appel d'offres.

6) Une partie non négligeable de l'argent promis n'a jamais été distribuée. La communauté internationale a décidé de ne pas laisser le gouvernement haïtien gérer le fonds d'assistance et de relèvement et a insisté pour que deux institutions soient créées pour approuver les projets et les dépenses dédiées aux fonds de reconstruction envoyés pour Haïti : la Commission intérimaire pour la reconstruction d'Haïti (CIRH) et le Fonds pour la reconstruction d'Haïti.

En mars 2010, lors d'une conférence, les Etats membres de l'ONU se sont engagés à verser 5,3 milliards de dollars sur deux ans et un total de 9,9 milliards de dollars sur trois ans. En juillet 2010, seules 10 % des sommes promises avaient été versées à la CIRH.

7) Une grande partie de l'argent donné n'a pas encore été dépensée. Près de deux ans après le tremblement de terre, moins de 1 % des 412 millions de dollars alloués par les Etats-Unis à la reconstruction d'infrastructures en Haïti ont été dépensés par Usaid et le département d'Etat américain, et seuls 12 % ont réellement été affectés, selon un rapport publié en novembre 2011 par le bureau américain chargé du contrôle des comptes (GAO).

La CIRH qui, depuis sa création, a été sévèrement critiquée par les Haïtiens, entre autres, est suspendue depuis la fin de son mandat, en octobre 2011. Le Fonds pour la reconstruction d'Haïti a été créé pour fonctionner en tandem avec la CIHR. Ainsi, tant que cette dernière est interrompue, le Fonds pourra difficilement poursuivre sa mission.

Que faire ? Au lieu de donner de l'argent à des intermédiaires, les dons devraient être envoyés autant que possible aux organismes haïtiens publics et privés. Le respect, la transparence et l'obligation de rendre des comptes constituent les fondements des droits humains.

Pour plus voir:
1. Haïti : des milliards et après ? par Nesmy Manigat
3. Haiti: Seven Places Where the Earthquake Money Did and Did Not Go: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2012/01/haiti-after-quake-where-relief-money.html

Thursday, February 3, 2011

Putting Aid to Work for the Haitian People: Creating a Haitian Housing Authority by Stanley Lucas





Background
There has been much focus on the failure of foreign aid in Haiti prior to the earthquake and in the earthquake recovery process, see: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/01/haiti-one-year-after-earthquake-by.html People are asking why there is no visible program and what can be done.  There are many reasons aid failed to bring about development in Haiti prior to the earthquake – corruption, failure to build capacity in-country, and a patchwork approach to aid.  In the aftermath of the earthquake, these same dynamics have taken hold.  There are many good programs operating, but in spite of record funding (almost $10 billion in international aid has been pledged) their impact has been limited.  Aid is still being administered through a patchwork of programs not tied to any clearly defined short or long-term goal.  Turning this situation around and demonstrating a commitment to meaningful aid that improves the situation for the Haitian people requires a new approach. 












The Haitian people have no clear understanding of how the country will move forward nor does the international community for that matter as evidenced by their failure to remit the funds committed to reconstruction.  The reconstruction process is currently being run through a largely opaque operation, the Haiti Interim Reconstruction Commission (HIRC), co-led by former President Bill Clint on and Haitian Prime Minister Jean Max Bellerive.  Haitian members of the HIRC have complained publicly that they have no idea how projects are being chosen or how contracts have been awarded, see: http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2011/01/haiti-interim-reconstruction-commission.html They say their role has been reduced to a “rubberstamp”.  Furthermore, they say that almost all reconstruction contracts have been awarded to foreign firms without bidding, and that Haitians have been largely marginalized.  The current process is not working and needs to be reinvigorated and refocused.

The reconstruction process needs an anchor program that focuses the reconstruction process and supports immediate, mid-term and long-term priorities.  An anchor program would galvanize the Haitian people and international community and reinvigorate the process.  The creation of a Haitian Housing Authority would address the immediate housing needs; would refocus aid money into a program that has tangible benefits for the Haitian people, and would address the mid- and long-term economic development challenges the country faces.
Click on pictures to enlarge

































I hasten to add that a resolution to the political crisis surrounding the recent elections must also happen before any of this can happen.

Haiti’s Housing Crisis
Haiti’s top reconstruction priority must be rebuilding people’s homes.  About 1.8 million people are still living on the streets having lost their homes more than a year ago in the January 12, 2010 earthquake.  More than 500,000 homes were reduced to rubble.  Haitians are living in more than 1,370 makeshift “tent cities” that have sprouted up throughout the country.  I would note that the UN estimates one million people are homeless; however, their number does not include tent cities with less than 500 residents.  This is not humane, safe or sustainable.









One of the core challenges for economic development in Haiti is the lack of access to credit to launch a business or rebuild a home.  The banks are controlled by a small business cartel, the Groupe de Bourdon, which rules the Haitian economy through government favor and monopolies.  If you are lucky enough to secure a loan (mostly through relationships), chances are the interests rate will be around 43%.  And, the most common way to secure that loan is by using your home as collateral.  With so many people homeless, economic activity cannot really resume until Haitians can begin rebuilding their homes.

The Haitian Housing Authority
One creative solution to this economic and recovery challenge is the creation of a Haitian Housing Authority.  The Authority would be dedicated to the stated goal of “Building Back Better”.  It would essentially operate as a public-private partnership between the international community and the Haitian Government to do two things:  1.  Award Haitians low interest (2-4%) loans to rebuild their homes; and 2. Regulate the rebuilding process by providing training and certification to contractors, developing building codes, and monitoring rebuilding compliance. 
Click on picture to enlarge

In the short term, the HHA could quickly solve the most pressing need for housing in Haiti.  Keith Miyamoto, a San Francisco-based earthquake reconstruction expert, says it would take about $200 million and six months to put one million people into earthquake resistant homes.  He has already trained a corps of local engineers to identify homes that can be rebuilt and how to build new homes.  In the long term, the HHA could help solve the access to credit challenges, break up a bank monopoly by forcing banks to compete, and contribute to the overall building codes.  The HHA would also aim to build a new economic development center by training new contractors and providing a new skill set to Haitians and getting Haitians back to work by constructing homes.   

Funding and Establishment of the HHA
Funding this program should not require any new funding.  There is already plenty of aid money out there – about 80% of it has not even been spent yet.  The international NGOs that have received large donations and funds could be encouraged to allocate a portion of their funds to the new Authority.  Countries that have yet to remit their funds may be encouraged by such a straightforward and focused concept. 

Setting up the authority should be a straightforward process, but will likely require the Haitian Government lead in order to get it moving.  Many aid organizations will be reluctant to part with funds unless they see a role for themselves and a real commitment by the Haitian Government to make it work.  The Haitian Government needs to make the priorities of the Haitian people their priority and show some leadership.  The establishment of a Haitian Housing Authority would do just that.  The government could launch the HHA by an official decree. 












The Haitian Government will need to work to secure international buy in and identify partners from the international community in order to capitalize the fund.  International organizations, such as the World Bank and IDB, as well as NGOs have vast amounts of reconstruction funds at their disposal.  The Red Cross alone has almost $200 million remaining from the $445 million that was donated to earthquake recovery. 











The international partners should play a key role in establishing and managing the HHA, but should focus on building capacity in Haiti by working closely with the Haitian Government to set up the mechanism for vetting, approving and administering loans.  Mechanisms to counter corruption and graft must be central to the process.  Loan recipients should be free to identify their own contractors, but the HHA should require that contractors be certified by the HHA and build according to newly defined building codes (Haiti currently has no such codes or inspectors).  It should be key to the plan to include Haitian contractors and provide technical training for the required certification as well as training for building inspectors. 

Of course, priority access to the fund should be given to earthquake victims, but this project should also be sustainable.  Going forward, the fund could help Haitians make their existing homes and businesses earthquake proof.  This will help to spur a new local industry and build capacity in the Haitian construction sector. 

Conclusion
Concentrating aid in a priority sector that directly benefits Haitians should be a priority.  It has been more than a year since the earthquake, and we have not even begun to move towards rebuilding.  This type of program would provide real benefits to Haitians and give them the tools to help themselves, which should ultimately have lasting impact on Haiti’s economy.

Tuesday, January 4, 2011

HAITI INTERIM RECONSTRUCTION COMMISSION: HAITIAN MEMBERS EXPRESS OUTRAGE WITH FOREIGN COUNTERPARTS by Stanley Lucas





After the January 12 earthquake in Haiti, the international community worked with the Haitian Government to establish an interim reconstruction commission, the IHRC, to manage the disbursement of international aid in Haiti.  The IHRC is co-led by former President Bill Clinton, the UN Special Envoy to Haiti, and Haitian Prime Minister Jean Max Bellerive.  They pushed through the creation of that commission in such a way that allows them to bypass the Haitian Parliament and all other Haitian institutions that provide checks and balances to the allocation of aid and funds for a period of 18 months.  Essentially, the IHRC sits above the Haitian state and has carte blanche to proceed however they want.

When the IHRC was established, most Haitians were critical of the structure because it essentially gave the foreign actors full control putting aside the Haitian Government, Haitian actors and Diaspora, and actually violated Haiti’s Constitution. See:
1. http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/06/haiti-interim-reconstruction-commission.html
2.  http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com/2010/03/haitian-free-rebuilding-plan-continued.html

Almost a year later, the 12 Haitian members of the IHRC are expressing frustration and outrage with the awarding of contracts and projects to foreign actors.  The projects do not meet the needs of the country and are not strategic.  Further, the process has excluded Haitian companies, government institutions and the Diaspora missing a critical opportunity to build capacity and economic opportunity in the Haitian community.  President Preval has largely used the IHRC as a political tool believing that awarding no bid contracts will buy him support for his electoral coup and attempts to maintain power.

Overall, the rebuilding efforts have been progressing at an unimaginably slow pace.  Still 1.7 million people are living in 1,370 makeshift camps without regular access to basic services, food or water.  This is in spite of historic private and official donations to recovery and rebuilding.  The American people gave $1.2 billion in private donations, and the American government gave approximately $2.9 billion.  Of that, $1.2 billion was used by the US military in the aftermath of the earthquake to deploy troops for security, search and rescue, and immediate medical aid through the USS Comfort.  Another $1.15 billion was approved by Congress in July but is languishing in the State Department bureaucracy awaiting release.  There is another $500 million being held in the Senate pending elaboration of how the US Government will pay for it.

The following speech was delivered by the Haitian members of the IHRC during the last meeting of the organizations in Santo Domingo last month.  The members are expressing outrage to the co-Presidents, Mr. Clinton and Prime Minister Bellerive, at their treatment and the secretive awarding of lucrative contracts to foreign companies.  The following is a translation of their speech.


ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF HAITIAN MEMBERS’ OF IHRC SPEECH:

Dear Mr. Co-Presidents:

We the 12 Haitian Members of the Haiti Interim Reconstruction Commission (IHRC) present, in regard to the experience we have accumulated within the aforementioned commission since its creation, feel a duty to express concern about the strategic framework put forward in today’s agenda.

The 12 Haitian members present here today feel completely disconnected from the life of the IHRC.  Even in this IT era, there exists a critical deficit of communication and information flow on the part of the Executive Secretariat and even more so with the Executive Committee despite our role in the governing structure of this institution, we have to this day, received no report on the activities of the IHRC.

Contact is established only the day before board meetings.  As a result, as members, we have no time to read, analyze, or digest the information and even less time to react intelligently to the projects which are being presented to us at the last minute despite all the official complaints and all the promises made to address this issue.

Moreover, we are unable to answer, for lack of essential information, elementary questions from the public or from any interested persons.  A good number of interlocutors think that there is a complete hold on information.

Mr. Co-Presidents,

No effective functional bond exists between the Executive Secretariat and the Haitian section of the council, or between the latter and the Executive Committee. Projects are transmitted to the council in the form of summaries the day before meetings.  Procedural changes to the online submission of bids for projects are changed without any consultation.

The recruitment of the personnel and the choice of the consulting firms were made without the knowledge of the Haitian members of the Board of Directors.  No documents were received informing the council of the criteria for recruiting or the profiles for the candidates.  This is also true for the firms which have received contracts, the Haitian members of the council are unaware of even the name of these firms that work for the IHRC or their roles.

Taking into account this deficiency, Mr. Co-Presidents, the Haitian members of the IHRC invited the Executive Director to give a progress report on the status of collaboration between the two sides (Haitian and foreign).  The invitation was ignored.  

In reality, the Haitian members of the Council appear to fulfill a puppet role, which is to rubberstamp the decisions adopted by the Executive Director and the Executive Committee.  The comments of Professor Jean-Marie Bourjolly in his memorandum of October 4, 2010 summarize the situation well.  And we quote: “We must devote the greatest part of our energies to build a plan with a strategy and tactics that conforms with the general principles stated in the Action Plan.

Our role was restricted to approving projects, in so far as I can judge, on the basis of first come, first served.  We risk finding ourselves with a panoply of disparate projects, certainly interesting and useful when considered in isolation, but which collectively do not respond to the urgency of the situation or provide the foundations for the sustainable rebuilding of Haiti, much less our long term development.”

Mr. Co-Presidents,

In terms of protocol, the treatment accorded to the Haitian section of the Executive Committee reveals an effort to minimize this branch of the council.  As proof of this assertion, the unacceptable reception during the September 20, 2010 meeting in New York where several of the Haitian members of the Commission were omitted from the seating at the discussion table.

As Haitian members of the Commission, we believe we have a special responsibility for the proper functioning of the Commission in its mission to work for the reconstruction of the country and to do so in the interest of Haiti and its People living both inside the country and overseas.

Signatories:

Joseph Bernadel
Lucien Bernard
Jean-Marie Bourjolly
Jean Renald Clerisme
Lucien Francoeur
Claude Jeudy
Gary Lissade
Suze Percu Filippini

State Department: http://link.brightcove.com/services/player/bcpid1705667530?bctid=741964226001

FRENCH TEXT OF HAITIAN MEMBERS’ OF IHRC SPEECH:

Messieurs les co-présidents,

Nous les 12 Membres haïtiens de la CIRH ici présents à cette réunion, au regard de l’expérience que nous avons accumulée au sein de ladite commission depuis sa création, nous nous sentons dans l’obligation d’exprimer ce qui suit dans le cadre de l’analyse du plan stratégique inscrit à notre ordre du jour.

Les douze membres de la partie haïtienne ici présents se sentent complètement débranchés de la vie de la CIRH. À l’heure des TIC, il existe un déficit crucial de communication et d’information de la part du secrétariat exécutif et encore plus du Comité Exécutif en dépit de notre fonction dans la structure de gouvernance de l’institution, nous n’avons ce jour, reçu aucun rapport de suivi des activités de la CIRH.

Le contact s’établit seulement à la veille des réunions du Conseil d’administration. Le conseiller n’a le temps ni de lire, ni d’analyser, ni de comprendre et encore moins de réagir intelligemment aux projets qui lui sont soumis à la dernière minute malgré toutes les doléances formulées et toutes les promesses faites à ce sujet.

De plus, le conseiller n’est pas en mesure de répondre, faute d’informations essentielles, à des questions élémentaires du public ou de toute personne intéressée. Bon nombre d’interlocuteurs pensent qu’ils sont avares d’informations.

Messieurs les co-présidents,

Aucun lien fonctionnel effectif n’existe entre le secrétariat exécutif et la partie haïtienne du conseil, ou entre cette dernière et le comité exécutif. Les projets sont transmis au conseil sous forme de tableaux de synthèse, la veille des réunions. Les changements de procédures dans les formalités de soumission de projets online varient sans aucun avis.

Le recrutement du personnel et le choix des firmesconseil se sont réalisés à l’insu de la partie haïtienne du conseil d’administration. Aucun document n’est venu informer le conseil sur les critères d’embauche et sur le profil des candidats. Cette remarque est aussi valable pour les firmes qui ont été sélectionnées, La partie haïtienne du conseil ignore même le nom des firmes qui travaillent pour la CIRH et leurs tâches respectives.

Au regard de ce malaise, Messieurs les co-présidents, la partie haïtienne du conseil avait invité le Directeur Exécutif à faire le point sur le mode de collaboration entre les deux instances. L’invitation a été ignorée.

En réalité, les membres haïtiens du conseil ne remplissent qu’un rôle de figurant qui consiste à entériner les décisions arrêtées par le directeur et le comité exécutifs. Les commentaires du Prof. Jean-Marie Bourjolly dans son mémorandum du 4 octobre 2010 résument bien la situation. Et nous citons : « Nous devrions consacrer la plus grande part de nos énergies à bâtir un plan avec ses volets stratégiques et tactique, conforme aux principes généraux énoncés dans le Plan d’ Action.

Notre action s’est bornée à approuver des projets sur la base, pour autant que je puisse en juger, du premier arrivé, premier servi. Nous risquons de nous retrouver avec une panoplie de projets disparates, certes intéressants et utiles pris chacun isolement, mais qui collectivement ne permettent ni de maitriser l’urgence ni de jeter les bases du relèvement d’Haïti, encore moins de son développement ».

Messieurs les co-présidents,

En terme de protocole, le traitement accorde, à la partie haïtienne non membre du comité exécutif, est très révélateur de la volonté de minimiser cette branche du conseil. On en veut pour preuve, l’accueil inacceptable à la réunion de N.Y. le 20 septembre 2010 ou on a omis de réserver des places à plusieurs membres haïtiens de la Commission à la table de discussion.

En tant que membres haïtiens de la Commission, nous considérons que nous avons une responsabilité particulière quant au bon fonctionnement de la Commission dans sa mission d’oeuvrer pour que la reconstruction du pays se fasse de façon dans l’internet d’Haïti et de son Peuple vivant tant à l’intérieur qu’a l’extérieur.

Signataires :

Joseph Bernadel
Lucien Bernard
Jean-Marie Bourjolly
Jean Renald Clerisme
Lucien Francoeur
Claude Jeudy
Gary Lissade
Suze Percu Filippini
Georges Henry, fils

Thursday, August 12, 2010

Haiti Earthquake: Seven months and counting …by Stanley Lucas

The shock and outrage at the lack of progress in Haiti seven months after the tragic earthquake that killed almost 300,000 people has unfortunately not translated into an uptick in action on the ground.  Still 2 million people sleeping in the streets, and there is no comprehensive plan to address this critical housing issue.  There have been increased efforts to get new tents and more regularly provide food, but today is no seven months.  Shouldn’t we have moved to the longer term planning by this point?  Where is all the money?  After all the attention to the fact that only 10% of the promised aid money being delivered, there is no progress is collecting those funds?  Where did the US$1.1 billion in private donation from the US go?

 

Some Presidential candidates took advantage of the press bounce from the six month coverage to announce their candidacy, but little coverage has been given to anyone other than Wyclef Jean.  The type of worldwide press coverage that his candidacy received does not come cheap; it is the big powerhouse public relations firms that can pull off that type of a media blitz.  There are at least three other Haitian Diaspora candidates that have announced and they do not have personal and professional misconduct.  Has anyone heard of them? 

 

Furthermore, Haitians are beginning to raise questions about whether or not humanitarian aid is quietly being used to promote the candidacy of one person over another.  Haiti has real issues to tackle, and there is a critical lack of coordination and big thinking to address those problems.

 

The biggest short term challenge is, of course, housing.  More than 500,000 people lost their homes in the earthquake.  Without their house, they are not only consigned to living in one of the 1,350 makeshift tent cities, but they have now lost any access to credit.  It is impossible to imagine how these people will ever pull themselves up out of this situation when there is absolutely no opportunity for them. 

 

Rather than continuing along with this patchwork of aid programs, the most beneficial path forward would be to establish a Haitian Housing Authority.  The Authority could essentially operate as a public private partnership with the participation of the World Bank, IADB, international governments, and even other NGOs that have received so much of the aid money.  This money would be a fund that Haitians who lost their homes could apply for low interest loans to build new houses, or essentially 30 year fixed mortgages at low interest.  This accomplishes many goals:  kick starts the economy because people now have access to credit and there will be construction projects; gets the money directly to the people who need it; and eliminates the challenges with working with a corrupt Haitian government.  A good system could be set up to vet applicants to ensure that the money is going to the victims of the earthquake.  There is even the possibility that there could be a return on investment here and that those funds could be used to do other key projects in Haiti on infrastructure and addressing healthcare and education.  In other words, this would be sustainable development.

 

What we can be certain about is that the current approach in Haiti is woefully inadequate and is in no way sustainable. And rather than address any of this, it seems the focus is now shifting toward elections which the country is not ready for and has the very real possibility of plunging Haiti into further chaos. 

 

Haitians do not want to be idling away their days in abysmal camps and model villages.  They need work.  They need hope.  And they need a vision for the future.  Right now, there are working toward nothing, abandoned and forgotten as NGOs toil away to address the critical issues in an ad hoc way. 


Six Months Later - August 2010 by www.haitiaidwatchdog.org

http://www.digitalturf.net/haiti/reports.cfm?ID=9

The earthquake of January 12, 2010 caused unprecedented destruction of human and physical capital, with losses estimated at 120 percent of Haiti’s 2009 GNP. Without support from the relief agencies, particularly those of the international community , the situation would be worse.

During the first few months, the support of the international community on the ground was visible. Six months later, the massive distribution networks, field hospitals and mobile clinics, set up primarily by the international community, have disappeared. The population is still living in makeshift camps. Living conditions under the tents are extremely difficult and they do not meet international standards for humanitarian relief. Now, many citizens are experiencing forced evictions particularly from camps located on private land, which have resulted in an increase in the number of Internally Displace persons (IDPs) in public squares and streets of the capital and other cities and towns significantly affected by the earthquake.

Meanwhile, reports from International humanitarian relief organizations suggest that they have donated 1.1 Billion US dollars to Haiti to date.

Since March 2010, the Haiti Aid Watchdog (hereinafter referred to as the “Watchdog”) has monitored and evaluated the type, quality and frequency of the aid provided. Whether the $1.1 billion donated by citizens from around the world has had a significant impact on the Haitian IDP’s remains the essential question for the Watchdog. Further, whether the Haitian Government has significantly developed its capacity during the last 6 months to oversee this relief effort is a major concern as well.

According to RNDDH report, Eight (8) properties totaling one hundred fifty (150) acres of land have been requisitioned by the Haitian State to relocate the victims. To date, five thousand (5,000) persons representing approximately 3.8% of IDPs have been relocated to the site of Coral Cesselesse . The majority of the Internal Displace Persons lack food, medical assistance, and sanitation. The lack of electricity on the camps at night provides cover for a substantial increased of sexual abuse. In addition, the threat of two dozen hurricanes scheduled for the summer is making the situation very complicated.

The Inter-Agency Standing Committee in its report six months after the earthquake mentioned that 11,000 latrines have been distributed and 1 million people have benefited from Cash- for – Work programs However, specific details are lacking regarding where these distributions were made and which portion of the population benefited from this assistance.

.

In its March 2010 report, the watchdog presented a list of international relief organizations who at that time had still not presented a report, some 60 days after the earthquake. Looking back, over the last six months, the watchdog has become very concerned with the lack of transparency that most international organizations have shown.

The Monitoring Process

The assessment conducted in July 2010 also involved the review of reviewed 10 websites of international organizations that have collected more than 10 millions dollar for Haiti. The assessment focused on the availability and accessibility of accomplishment reports provided by the relief agencies. [In addition to consulting Websites, theWatchdog visited several camps in and outside of Port au Prince.

FINDINGS
In May 2010, The Chronicle Philantrophy published an updated list1 of 55 international organizations that received money for Haiti. Out of this list of 55 organizations organizations, the Watchdog focused on 18 organizations that collected more than 10 million dollars of relief funds for Haiti.



List of 18 Organizations that raised more than 10 million dollars in relief funds for Haiti

1• American Red Cross had raised approximately $444-million as of May 6, including $6-million from the Hope for Haiti telethon. More than $32-million was pledged to the Red Cross via text message.

2• AmeriCares had raised more than $15-million as of May 10.

3.• CARE USA had raised approximately $17.75-million as of May 7.

4• Catholic Relief Services had raised $135.7-million as of May 10.

5 The Clinton Bush Haiti Fund had raised more than $37-million as of March 16.

6• The William J. Clinton Foundation had received more than $14.5-million as of March 16.

7• The Doctors Without Borders U.S. operations had raised $61.1-million international affiliates have raised $124-million.

8• Habitat for Humanity had raised $11.5-million as of May 10.

9• Mercy Corps had received $14.6-million as of May 7.

10• Operation USA had raised $1.4 in cash as of May 7. It has also received $5.7-million in donations of products.

11• Oxfam America had received $23.2-million as of May 10, $8-million of which came from

the Hope for Haiti Now telethon. Internationally, Oxfam has raised more than $100-million.

12• Partners in Health had received more than $70-million as of May 11, including $8-million

13• Plan USA had raised more than $2-million as of May 10. The group’s international affiliates had

raised $32.6-million.

14• The Salvation Army had raised $20.5-million as of May 10

15• Save the Children USA had raised more than $25-million as of May 10.

As of March, the organization’s international affiliates had raised an additional $35.1-million

16• The United Methodist Committee on Relief had raised $14.5-million as of March 11

from the Hope for Haiti Now telethon

17• World Vision’s U.S. operations had received more than $41-million as of May 7.

Internationally, the organization has raised more than $103-million.
18• Yele Haiti Foundation has received more than $16-million, which includes $1-million

from the Hope for Haiti Now telethon, as of May 11.
Source Chronicle of Philantropy

Out of the 18 organizations identified that had received relief funds for Haiti of 10 million dollars or more, the Watchdog reviewed 10 of these organizations’ websites , which revealed that the 10 organizations received the following relief funding for Haiti:

Catholic Relief Services- $135 million
Partner in Health- $ 70 million
Save the Children- $71.4 million
Doctors without Borders- $61 million
World Vision- $41 million
Oxfam America -$23. 2 million
Salvation Army- $20 million
Americares- 15 million
Mercy Corps- $14.6 million
Habitat for Humanity -$11.5 million

The Watchdog found that the websites provided very limited information concerning the funding that theses organizations had received and what was done with such resources. In other words, key information concerning , the number sites, number of people served by sites, the cost related to each by sites serviced is not available. Indeed, the Information that is available is incomplete and lacks sufficient detail thus rendering those reports almost useless to a stakeholder.

The Watchdog applauds Partner in Health, the Jewish Committee Distribution, Doctor Without Borders, Handicap international and Mercy Corps for providing detail financial and programmatic reports. The majority of international NGOs do not provide detail information which substantially limit the monitoring of the impact of international relief effort in Haiti.
However, the Watchdog is concerned regarding the lack of transparency and incoherence that is reflected in the reports submitted six months after the earthquake by various international organizations. The majority of the 18 organizations closely monitored by the Watchdog do not mention how much money was spent per type of activity and do not mention the geographical areas assisted. Moreover, the information provided in these organizations’ reports (six months after the earthquake) are not consistent with the findings on the ground. For example, some organizations claim that they have spent maillion so dollars on shelter for the IDPs. However, the watchdog has not been able to confirm the shelters to which the reports refer, and certainly not 19 million dollars worth of shelter anywhere in Port-au-Prince or other areas that have been mostly affected by the earthquake.

The watchdog has been informed that an estimated 125,000 transitional shelters are expected to be distributed and implanted in Haiti. However, to date, we do not know when these shelters will be provided or where they will be distributed. Indeed, the National Oceanic and Atmosphere Administration (NOAA) has predicted that Haiti should expect a very active hurricane season this summer. However, with the slow pace of the distribution of this transitional shelter, the Watchdog is very concerned that lives may be lost or put in peril when hurricanes arrive and touch the areas where the camps are located, as said camps will inevitably become flooded.

The Watchdog encourages the Government of Haiti to play a more active role overseeing the impact of the assistance. Six months after the earthquake, there is a substantial coordination deficit of leadership from humanitarian community and the Government of Haiti. There is a need for all stakeholders to engage in a constructive dialogue.

The Watchdog has, on its own initiative, engaged the government through the government’s Ministry of Plan in order to explore ways that civil society organizations such as the Watchdog could play a more significant role in the monitoring and coordination of the humanitarian effort. Through our meetings with officials of the Ministry of Plan, we learned that several international NGOs operating in the country have not provided any report to the Ministry of Plan. Some humanitarian organizations have not officially registered with the Ministry and are not respecting the procedures although the Ministry has organized several meetings and briefing sessions to the international partners.


Recommendations
The international NGOs working on relief and reconstruction in Haiti must provide detailed information on:
Allocation of funds by activities and locations
List all local partners and their accomplishments
Number of beneficiaries targeted and reached
Lessons learned and obstacles on the ground
Corrective actions to address deficiencies in each area.

b) Inform the general public of locations of operations and the type of services offered in a specific area (s) or in the sites with more than 5,000 people. It would be very helpful for the public to see, in the following major sites, items such as stickers, flags, banners and billboards of the international partners working in the particular site: Terrain de Accra, Champ de mars, St Louis de Gonzague, both terrain de golf, turgeau, Canape vert, Place St Pierre, Place de la Paix, Impasse Morond, Centre de Carrefour, Terrain de Amurtel, Ancien aéroport militaire…

c) The Watchdog Group encourages the international partners to organize periodic briefing sessions with civil society organizations and government officials. If information is provided to the Haitian media and other civil society organizations, it would help the public understands better what is being developed and how it is being distributed and accounted for. 7 months after the earthquake, it is time for the people of Haiti to be informed about which organizations are working on the ground?; where are they working?; and what are they doing?; How many Haitians are being hired by the international organizations? What impact the programs have in the IDP camps .What are these organizations’ plans during the hurricane season as it relates to assistance to the IDP camps? It may be helpful if a map could be distributed to all civil society organizations and to the press identifying which organizations are working in specific areas of the country.



ANNEX #1

UPDATED LIST OF ORGANIZATIONS THAT COLLECTED HUMANITARIAN RELIEF FUNDS FOR HAITI

AS OF

MAY 11, 2010


1• ActionAid has raised more than $419,000 as of March 2.
•2 Action Against Hunger International has raised more than $7-million globally as of May 10.
• 3Adventist Development and Relief Agency had raised $6.9-million as of May 11.
4• The American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee had raised more than $6.1-million as of March 16.
5• American Jewish World Service had raised more than $5.7-million as of May 10 for its
Haiti Earthquake Relief Fund.


6• American Red Cross had raised approximately $444-million.
7• AmeriCares had raised more than $15-million as of May 10.
8• Brother’s Brother Foundation had raised $725,000, and secured a pledge of $100,000, as of May 10.
9• CARE USA had raised approximately $17.75-million as of May 7.
10• Catholic Medical Mission Board had raised $1.92-million in cash
11• Catholic Relief Services had raised $135.7-million as of May 10.
12• ChildFund International had raised $450,767 as of February 16.
13• Church World Service had raised $3.2-million as of May 10.
•14 The Clinton Bush Haiti Fund had raised more than $37-million as of March 16.
15• The William J. Clinton Foundation had received more than $14.5-million
16• Concern Worldwide US had raised $3.2-million as of May 10.
17• Cross International had raised $4.6-million as of March 16.
18• Direct Relief International had raised $6.1-million in cash through the end of April.
18• The Doctors Without Borders U.S. operations had raised $61.1-million
20• Feed the Children had raised $1-million as of May 7.
21• Fonkoze USA had raised $1.26-million as of May 10.
22• Friends of the World Food Program had raised $13.1-million, including $6-million fMay 10.
23• Habitat for Humanity had raised $11.5-million as of May 10.
24• Handicap International’s U.S. operations had raised $431,000 as of May 10.
25• Heifer International had raised $1.4-million as of May 10.
26• The Humane Society has raised more than $1-million.
27• IMA World Health has raised more than $291,000 as of May 7.
28• International Medical Corps had raised more than $6-million as of May 7.
29• International Relief and Development has raised $345,000 in cash as of May 11. It has also
received $12.5-million in gifts of products and supplies.
30• The International Rescue Committee had raised $6.6-million as of May 10.
31• Internews Network, a nonprofit group that promotes journalism abroad, received $200,000 from
the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation.
32• Islamic Relief USA had raised more than $2.1-million as of March 2.
33• The Lions Clubs International Foundation had raised $4.7-million as of May 13.
34• Lutheran World Relief had raised nearly $6.5-million as of May 7.
35• Medical Teams International had raised $4.5-million as of May 10.
36• Mennonite Central Committee had raised $5.18-million and raised another $8.1-million in Canada.
37• Mercy Corps had received $14.6-million as of May 7.
38• Operation USA had raised $1.4 in cash as of May 7. It has also received $5.7-million in donations of products.
39• Oxfam America had received $23.2-million as of May 10, $8-million of which came from the
Hope for Haiti Now telethon. Internationally, Oxfam has raised more than $100-million.
40• The Pan American Development Foundation had raised more than $1.61-million as of February 23.
41• Partners in Health had received more than $70-million as of May 11, including $8-million
from the Hope for Haiti Now telethon.
42• Plan USA had raised more than $2-million as of May 10. The group’s international affiliates
had raised $32.6-million.
43• Population Services International had raised more than $174,000 as of May 10.
44• Project HOPE had raised $1.7-million in cash and pledges as of May 10. It has
distributed $35-million in medical supplies.
45• Relief International had raised more than $533,000 as of May 10.
46• The Salvation Army had raised $20.5-million as of May 10.
47• Save the Children USA had raised more than $25-million as of May 10. As of March, the
organization’s international affiliates had raised an additional $35.1-million.
48• The U.N. Foundation had raised more than $3.9-million as of May 11.
49• The Unitarian Universalist Service Committee had raised more than $1.84-million .
50• United Way has raised more than $3.2-million as of May 13.
51• The United Methodist Committee on Relief had raised $14.5-million as of March 11.
52• The University of Miami had received $4.4-million as of March 2.
53• The U.S. Fund for Unicef had received $65.4-million in cash.
54• World Vision’s U.S. operations had received more than $41-million as of May 7. Internationally,
the organization has raised more than $103-million.
55• Yele Haiti Foundation has received more than $16-million, which includes $1-million from
the Hope for Haiti Now telethon, as of May 11.

SOURCE; THE CHRONICLE OF PHILANTHROPY MAY 2010 REPORT

Link; http://philanthropy.com/article/11-Billion-Donated-for-Haiti/65479