Thursday, February 21, 2013
Diaspora: Preparons la Saison Cyclonique de 2013 par Stanley Lucas
Tuesday, March 30, 2010
Response to Senator Christopher Dodd: The Haitian People Deserve Sovereignty by Stanley Lucas
I am not sure which Haitians Mr. Dodd is talking with to back up his assertion that the Haitian people want the United States and the international community to takeover their country. Most Haitians people that I talk to – and I talk to hundreds on a daily basis through numerous radio interviews – are frustrated that they still do not have stead access to food or tents. Their frustrations are pretty equally aimed at the failed Haitian government and the international community. Donations poured into international coffers and aid is only slowly trickling out. More than 1.2 million people still sleep on the streets – in the rainy season. About 65,000 pregnant women are among them. The distribution of aid needs urgent attention.
But Mr. Dodd’s call for the UN to take over the country based on a manipulation of the Chapter VII provision for trusteeship is ludicrous bordering on subversive. Trusteeship is just a technical word for “soft occupation” which has traditionally been reserved for countries that were invaded or that have severe political unrest, as Dodd points out while noting the potential “distastefulness” of the concept. Haiti suffered an earthquake. Is that reason to usurp the country’s sovereignty? Did we invoke a trustee after the tsunami in Southeast Asia? Did the federal government take over control of New Orleans after Katrina?
The international community unfortunately does not have the best track record in Haiti over the past few decades. After 15 years and $9 billion in aid money, there is nothing to show for it. Haiti was in ruins before the earthquake and is devastated after it. The international community’s biggest mistake was never holding the Haitian leadership accountable for the aid sent to the country. As a result, more than one Haitian leader has raided the Haitian coffers. The international community and the U.S. government have also made the mistake of meddling in Haiti’s nascent democracy. The international community has gotten behind two leaders (Aristide and Preval) that were elected through fraudulent and manipulated elections. Both turned out to lead corrupt and violent Administrations. Aristide was elected, evacuated, restored to power by the Clinton Administration, and then evacuated again a few years later. According to Haiti's General Accounting Office Aristide stole US$350 million over nine years.
MINUSTAH, the UN’s mission on the ground, has been in control of the security in Haiti for two decades at a cost of about $700 million yearly. Unfortunately, the security situation in Haiti has also made little improvement. The Haitian people suffered through two “Operation Baghdad” campaigns of terror and violence carried out by bands of thugs and gangs http://www.rnddh.org/
Dodd further asserts, “Haitian authorities have repeatedly asked the United States and the international community to provide this help.” Is he confusing requests for “help” with asking for the country to be taken over? To my knowledge no Haitian official has requested occupation, takeover or trusteeship. In fact, President Preval has called for elections this November when his term is up. This sounds nothing like a request for a takeover.
I agree with the Senator, however, on two major premises: Haiti will need the help of the international community to rebuild – it cannot do it alone, and there needs to be better coordination. There are ways to accomplish this without occupying the country. So far, everyone has overlooked one significant resource that can step in immediately and help manage rebuilding: the Haitian Diaspora. Mr. Dodd does not mention them at all. There are more than two million Haitians in the United States alone. Some are political refugees; some are economic refugees. But all are patriots, and bring unique skills. They have remit more than $2 billion a year annually to the country, accounting for almost 20% of the GDP. They speak the language, and they are Haitian.
For rebuilding to really work in the long term, it must be Haitian led with the strong support of the international community. There is enough capacity in Haiti and among its Diaspora to lead reconstruction. The international community has a strong role to play, particularly by focusing on capacity building, setting up systems of accountability and transparency for rebuilding, supporting the strengthening of the infrastructure, revamping legal codes, helping with security, and building up the private business sector. What they must avoid is influencing the political system of a democratic country. They must avoid picking their favorites for leadership or structuring the government. That is the sovereign and democratic right of the Haitian people. This is not to say that Haiti will not need help in organizing free and fair elections – it will. But the international community should not be involved in decisions on when those elections are held, who participates, or declaring a winner.
On a separate note, Dodd’s history in Haiti calls into question his real goals in the country. He was a strong supporter of President Aristide. As Chairman of the Western Hemisphere subcommittee, he yanked the funding for important political training programs on the ground. Under his leadership, little has been accomplished in Haiti. Perhaps he has a favorite candidate for president? Perhaps as a Senator soon to be retired he sees a future leadership role for himself in the Clinton initiative?
While the international community sorts out who will get what authority to manage Haiti, the people continue to sleep on the streets in the rain. There is enough donation money right now to buy tents for every homeless person living on the streets. Why can’t they get the tents? Do we need to really finalize the power structure before tents are deployed? The Haitian people have been devastated and demoralized – let us not add insult to injury.
BY CHRIS DODD Hundreds of thousands of people are dead or injured. Many more are homeless or orphaned. And without sustained intervention by the international community, Haiti's future could be very bleak indeed. Nearly a quarter million homes -- and 20,000 commercial buildings -- have been destroyed, or so badly damaged that they will need to be demolished. And the earthquake, which struck just 16 miles from the capital of Port-au-Prince, essentially destroyed the capacity of Haitian authorities to act. Haiti's education system, in the words of its minister of education, has ``totally collapsed.'' Transportation and communication systems have been wiped out. Finance and industry have been crippled. There is no health care system to treat the wounded, no social services to help the displaced, and no government infrastructure left standing to bring about order out of the chaos. The Haitian government, for all practical purposes, does not exist. It lies in ruins, in the rubble of the presidential palace, and other government buildings ranging from the Supreme Court to the National Assembly. After the quake, the Washington Post interviewed Haitians who begged the United States to take over control of Haiti. Haitians no longer believe that their government could do what needs to be done to save their country. Said one man: ``When we tell the government we're hungry, the government says, `We're hungry, too.' '' Sadly, they may be right. I do not believe, of course, that we should occupy Haiti. We should not take lightly the importance of sovereignty, not discount the Haitian people's long history of enduring difficult times. But we cannot pretend that Haiti can lead its own reconstruction. Fortunately, there is precedent for situations in which the international community must intervene to ensure that a troubled country can look forward to a brighter future. Chapter XII of the United Nations Charter established the International Trusteeship System for the supervision of territories placed under U.N. control by agreement of the territories themselves as well as the states administering them. The idea was not to bring about hostile takeovers of failed states, but rather to provide administrative support for countries emerging from the geopolitical reshuffling after World War II -- until those countries could stand on their own two feet. The Trusteeship System was, by all accounts, successful. And even after the program became obsolete, a form of trusteeship was used in Bosnia, Kosovo, East Timor, and Cambodia -- places where the collapse of order necessitated help from the international community to perform the basic functions of a government. Haiti -- an independent sovereign nation and a United Nations member -- would not be eligible for trusteeship. But, as in those other cases, the U.N. mission can be broadened to coordinate the various international actors currently working in Haiti. Instead of the ad-hoc system currently in place -- the United States controls the airport, the United Nations controls food distribution, and other responsibilities are divided in a scattershot fashion -- a form of trusteeship would allow the UN to coordinate assistance in an orderly and transparent fashion. Other international actors could then be tasked with specific roles -- ranging from security and governance to economic development and the coordination of international aid. The goal is simple: Provide Haitians with a legitimate, functional state -- one capable of managing the day-to-day tasks of government and providing security, economic stability, and social services. This won't work without the Haitian people and their elected leaders -- it must be done with them, not to them. Indeed, Haitian authorities have repeatedly asked the United States and the international community to provide this help, and we must answer their call in a way that allows Haiti to get back on its feet and regain control over its future. The task of rebuilding Haiti will fall on the international community -- that much is clear. And I believe we can do it most effectively if we have a coordinated strategy for our efforts. Intervention on this scale might not be pleasant to consider, but it is what the Haitian people want -- and, more importantly, it is what Haiti needs to emerge from this latest tragedy and build a new future. Sen. Chris Dodd, D-Conn., is chairman of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.Place Haiti under `trusteeship'
http://dodd.senate.gov
Read more: http://www.miamiherald.
Saturday, January 30, 2010
TREMBLEMENT DE TERRE EN HAITI: PREDICTIONS POUR 30 JOURS


Thursday, November 5, 2009
Savannah Monument: Let's do what's right by Stanley Lucas

In the late 17th to early 18th century in the Americas, the winds of freedom had its roots in Haiti. Haitians under les Chasseurs de Saint Domingue fought alongside Americans in the U.S. Revolutionary War in Savannah, Georgia in the United States of America. Among the Haitian soldiers that fought for U.S. independence was Henri Christophe, who would later become a great Haitian king. Haiti's founding fathers saw beyond the war to the universal values of freedom and equality. Haitian also fought alongside Simon Bolivar in his quest to liberate Latin American countries. For Haitians it was not about supporting a particular ethnic group or race, it was about freedom and liberation.

Haiti's great story of support was almost lost until a group of Haitian leaders in the diaspora decided that this significant contribution needed to be highlighted and honored in a meaningful way. This group of Haitians was lead by Daniel Fils Aime who conceptualized and implemented a project to build a monument to our ancestors in Savannah, Georgia. The monument honors a platoon of Haitian soldiers who fought for American independence at the Siege of Savannah in 1779. Because of Daniel's efforts and steadfast lobbying, the political leaders of Savannah really extended themselves to make this monument come to fruition as did the people of the Haitian American Historical Society. At some points, the project almost sunk because of a lack of resources, but Daniel Fils Aime actually put up his own house as collateral to pay for the monument. I call that patriotism, conviction and dedication to the greater good.

I attended the inauguration of the first phase of the project and witnessed a proud group of Haitians and American that came from all over the United States and Haiti for what was an exciting and meaningful event. Everybody went back home happy and proud to be a Haitian. Tourists from around the world will be amazed to read the plates around that monument (note: the statue will be mentioned on the Gray Line Tour of historic Savannah). Haitian's contribution to the U.S. will be better known -- something that only two books have covered in the 200 years of US history.
Also because of Daniel Fils Aime's lobbying, Representative Kendrick Meeks introduced House Resolution 909 commemorating the courage of the Haitian soldiers that fought for American independence in the Siege of Savannah and for Haiti's independence and renunciation of slavery. The resolution passed successfully in the U.S. House of Representatives.
The second phase of the project started right the way and Daniel Fils Aime again swung into action. Like a preacher trying to convert citizens, he traveled, called and tried to reach out to every single citizen in order to collect the funds to complete the project. Despite all efforts, he fell short. Again, he did not give up, and he continued to work the phones. While revisiting previous donors, he encountered Rudy Moise that was willing to put forward the remaining US$120,000 to complete the project. Again the Society and Daniel did a fantastic job in finishing the job and organized a great party attended by an impressive crowds of politicians, professionals, business leaders, and others. Most unfortunately, I was unable to attend because I was in Europe on business.A bombshell landed shortly after the event with a report by Philipp Brutus revealing that the faces of two of the sculptures depicting the Haitian soldiers were those of Daniel Fils Aime and Rudy Moise. A close observation and pictures revealed that was the case. This revelation has created an outrage among Haitians. Haitians are very sensitive to the accuracy of our collective history, and unfortunately, many of them felt violated by this act. It should be noted that many raising their voices in criticism never contributed a dime to the construction of the monument -- including Philip Brutus who has been leading the charge.
How did this happen? How did the faces of Daniel Fils Aime and Rudy Moise appear on the statues? There are many explanations flying around. The most accurate version of what happened was shared with me by James Mastan, the sculptor and designer of the monument. He actually took it upon himself to put the faces of both men in the sculpture by using their pictures.
Quite simply, it was a mistake -- and an honest mistake that was blown out of proportion so that some could score political points. This could have been cleared up quickly and effectively without this divisive brouhaha.
Now we must move forward -- and the mistake should be remedied. James, Daniel and Rudy must recognize that an honest mistake was made and correct it in order to respect the accuracy of history. By doing so, they will not only make everyone happy, but it will respect our history and our legacy. Was that not the initial purpose? For those who want to turn this into a political circus, you must know that you are only doing damage to our collective reputation. Let's wise up and do what's right.

