Six Senators undermining Haiti’s electoral process and seeking chaos By Stanley Lucas

There has been much confusion and misinformation surrounding the October 2014 municipal and legislative elections in Haiti.  Given Haiti’s fragile and ongoing recovery from the massive 2010 earthquake and the necessity of international aid for this effort, this type of misinformation is particularly damaging.  It is important to focus on the facts and ensure a level approach to this important electoral process.  The stakes are high for this election cycle -- two-thirds of the Senate seats are up for vote, the entire House and 140 municipalities will vote for new mayors.

There are two fundamental misconceptions circulating that are highly detrimental to the democratic process in Haiti. First that Haiti’s elections are late and political actors are locked in a stand off.  And second, that the Martelly Administration has dragged its feet putting in place the legally required infrastructure to conduct the elections. This is unequivocally not the reality.  

Haiti has been heading down the arduous road of democracy building for the past 25 years.  The pace has been slow – and sometimes quite difficult.  There have been setbacks.  But, there can be no doubt that the democratization process is moving forward.  And herein lies the source of the misinformation.  Many actors – sensing a shift from the old days of corruption and winner take all dynamics – are threatened by the democratization efforts and consistently seek to use misinformation, misconceptions and even violence to undermine the process. These actors (effectively a political cartel) – comprised of Fanmi Lavalas and INITE – has been largely successful employing these tactics and engaging international and U.S. forces to force the Haitian government to bow to their demands in the name of stability.

The fact is that the current electoral process actually started in July 2012 – right on schedule. The first step was to name an electoral body, the Permanent Electoral Council (CEP), to manage the elections. The Haitian constitution requires that each branch of government provide three members to constitute the CEP. Haiti’s political cartel has controlled 14 of the 17 CEP seats from 1990 through the November 2010 elections.  They have leveraged this control to manipulate and change the results of elections to stay in power in six recent elections: 1995, 1996, 1997, 2000, 2009 and 2010. There are numerous national and international electoral observation reports documenting the facts.

Illustrating that democratization is taking hold, their 2010 electoral coup partially failed because the people took the streets to defend their vote for President Michel Martelly.  INITE, however, managed to steal five senate seats and 37 seats in the lower house.  So today, this political cartel is insisting that in order to participate in the elections, they must control the CEP and occupy as many positions as possible in the government so they could campaign with state resources.  Lavalas, INITE and Lespwa were able to do this for twenty years, but lost control in November 2010.

The other political parties, of which there are 68, are willing to play by the rules, share power, campaign hard, and develop platforms and proposed solutions to earn the electorate vote.  This group, which includes parties such as FUSION, MDN, Tet Kale and many others, just wants to ensure a fair and non-partisan CEP.

To bridge this divide, the Martelly Administration has made a concerted effort to follow the letter of the electoral law while simultaneously launching a long and difficult political dialogue to build consensus around the organization and administration of the October elections.

As mentioned, the electoral process began in 2012 immediately following the publication of a constitutional amendment.  In accordance with the amendment, the President wrote to the Legislature and Judiciary requesting that each appoint their three representatives.  The President of the House, the coordinator of INITE, complied while the President of the Senate objected to the actual formation of a Permanent Electoral Council (CEP).  Instead, he proposed the formation of an exceptional electoral body, known as the CTCEP  or transitional permanent council. President Martelly compromised and signed an agreement on December 24, 2012 to form the CTCEP.  Despite this compromise, there were continued political demands from Senate members of the political cartel for participation in the Martelly Administration.

Again in the spirit of compromise and inclusion, the Martelly Administration embarked upon an unprecedented political dialogue last February to build broad base political support for the national agenda and explore additional avenues of participation in the Administration.  With the Administration’s support, Haiti’s first Cardinal, Chibly Langlois, organized and moderated the dialogue which spanned five weeks and resulted in the signing of a Political Accord on March 14, 2014 by representatives of the Senate, House and fifty political parties. In the Accord, which was intended to open the way for the elections, the Martelly Administration honored 100% of the opposition’s requests. Significant outcome from the Dialogue were:

1. Appoint a new 23-member Cabinet comprised of representatives from a wide array of Haiti’s political parties. Publication in the official journal “Le Moniteur” proposed by the opposition in the senate to control the Cour Superieure des Comptes, the country highest administrative Court
2. Publication of the Political Party Law in the same journal
3. Publication in the official journal of all the non-binding resolutions the Senate has passed
4. Replace three members of the CEP with representatives of the political cartel, giving them full control of the electoral body. The President of the newly formed CTCEP was personally chosen by the President of the Senate as well as all the key positions of the electoral body.

All participants – with the exception of the political cartel – approved the new roster. Martelly delivered everything stipulated in the political agreement, and the House of Deputies respected their part of the Accord.  The Deputies voted unanimously for the electoral law on April 1, 2014 and transmitted the law the same day to the senate.  Yet five months after, it remains to be voted on in the Senate because six Lavalas senators are refusing to sit thereby making it impossible to reach a quorum in order for the senate to debate and vote on the law.

These six senators are fundamentally opposed to the organization of the elections.  According to many reports, their ultimate goal is to remove Martelly from office though a coup d’etat before his term is over in 2016. In fact, members of the political cartel have publicly stated this intention.  In an interview with Scoop FM Senator Moise Jean Charles clearly stated this goal since 2013.  Every two weeks they come up with an excuse to avoid the vote of the electoral law.  One week they were demanding the implementation of transitory provision of the constitution, which is not longer applicable, and another they are calling for the removal of the Prime Minister.  Their last demand was for Martelly to intervene in current judicial proceedings in order to secure the release of two criminals convicted of murdering a law student, six months prior to his graduation in 2010 when Preval was still President.

If the law is not voted pass the Senate in the next two weeks there will be no elections in Haiti this year. The international community is getting impatient. The Permanent Council of the Organization of American States has issued a declaration acknowledging that President Martelly and the House of Deputies have fulfilled all the political and legal commitments for the organization of the elections. The declaration states that the Senate has failed to act and call upon them to move the process forward.

As the situation stands now, there are two potential scenarios that could play out. First, the six senators take their seats and allow a quorum and the law passes. On September 1, President Martelly in an attempt to move the process forward invited the President of the Senate and the six senators to discuss the issue.  Only the President of the Senate showed up.  

In the second scenario, elections do not take place, and there will be no parliament as of January 20, 2015, which is the date that the Deputies’ terms expire as well as two-thirds of the Senate and Martelly will govern by decree until the next elections take place in 4-6 months.  This scenario occurred in 1999 when President Preval acknowledged the end of parliamentary mandate in 1999.  At that time, a group of OPL parliamentarians were playing the same game with President Preval.  At the end of parliament in January 1999, Preval met with the political parties that wanted elections and signed the March 4, 1999 Political Accord with them, which provided for a CEP and an electoral decree for the May 21, 2000 elections to take place.  This latter scenario becomes more probably if after the House goes on vacation on September 15, five senators decide to resign as announced last week.

The reality is that the Martelly Administration has been implementing an unprecedented strategy of compromise and inclusion in laying the groundwork for free and fair elections. This is a remarkable break from the past 40 years in which the political culture was dominated by a winner-take-all approach that featured vote rigging and manipulating the electoral body.  This Administration knows that political stability is critical to Haiti’s recovery – both from the earthquake and from the crushing poverty that continues to plague our beloved country.  Those efforts toward inclusion and compromise are intended to demonstrate to Haitian citizens and friends of Haiti that the country is in fact on a new path.  As a result of these efforts, Martelly is enjoying a 73% approval rating domestically and fair media coverage internationally.

While recovery may not be moving as fast as anyone desires, there are significant accomplishments, including 4.3% economic growth (up from the historic average of 2%); finding housing for 3.5 million citizens who lost their homes in the earthquake; creating 50,000 new jobs; facilitating the building of 12 new hotels to jump start tourism; and, reducing kidnappings from 600 per month to zero for the month of August 2014.  Yet, there are still 137,000 people living under tents.  Despite these huge efforts there are still 4 million people living in poverty, unemployment is high and lack of resources to address these huge challenges and infrastructure to move the country forward.  

With this momentum, the efforts of the six senators to bring back the status quo and instability are even more frustrating and abhorrent.  Haiti is not heading toward imminent collapse, as some skeptics would have you believe, but we certainly must redouble our efforts to address the serious challenges that face our proud country.  The road to democracy and recovery is long, challenging and potentially winding, but there should be no doubt that Haiti is on the right road. 

Aristide’s Lawyers File Corruption Charges Against the Clintons in Haiti by Stanley Lucas

After decades of stealing from the Haitian people, Aristide has orchestrated an investigation into the Clinton’s deployment of earthquake aid and reconstruction funds.  On April 12, 2014, one of Jean Bertrand Aristide’s proxies, Newton St. Juste, a Haitian lawyer, filed corruption charges with Haiti’s General Accounting Office (Cour Superieure des Comptes) against former President Bill Clinton and former Secretary Hillary Clinton.  Based on press reports, the corruption filing alleges that Secretary Clinton and former President Clinton diverted Haitian relief funds. St. Juste stated that they intend to also investigate Cheryl Mills, Secretary Clinton’s former Chief of Staff, who served as the principal manager of Haiti projects. Aristide’s lawyers wrote to Secretary John Kerry to inform him of the process. This action has generated a firestorm of interest on social media outlets among Haitians around the world.

Given St. Juste’s links to Aristide it is widely believed that Aristide is behind this action.  There is informed speculation that Aristide is positioning his American wife, Mildred Aristide, to run for the presidency in 2015 – a position for which she is not eligible due to her dual citizenship.  This filing then serves three strategic goals: 1. Blackmail the Clintons and others in the U.S. who received the bulk of the aid and relief funds (i.e. threaten the suit and offer to withdraw it for their support for his wife); 2. Garner favor with the Haitian public whose frustration with the lack of demonstrable progress in the wake of the 2010 earthquake is palpable; and, 3. Appear “tough on the US” in order to whitewash his 1994 and 2004 requests for military support in Haiti to bolster his ailing regime.  These requests were tremendously unpopular and have not been forgiven or forgotten by Haitian voters.  Further, Aristide needs support from Washington to alleviate the pressure that he is getting from the Jean Dominique Judicial proceedings, where he is being called in to answer questions about the 2000 murder of the popular reporter. 

Aristide has a proven track record manipulating U.S. policy toward Haiti in his favor. When he wanted to return to power after the 1991-94 coup, he used a member of the Congressional Black Caucus and couple of well paid lobbyists, including Randall Robinson and his wife, to drive President Clinton’s Haiti policy. He first obtained sanctions that destroyed Haiti’s economy and the environment and later, organized a wave of boat people that forced the White House into a US military intervention in 1994 to reinstate his presidency.  As part of that deal, he made a series of commitments to Washington to institutionalize democracy and modernize the economy.  He reneged on all of those promises.

A few months after his return in 1994, Aristide began a violent spree of retribution having his political opponents in parliament, political parties, human rights activists, the press and civil society murdered.  He rigged elections and presided over the country being named one of the three most corrupt countries on earth – for the first time in its 200-year history.  

Meanwhile in Washington he used Haitian taxpayer funds to lavishly compensate lobbyists and well-positioned political allies. He used corrupt business deals in Haiti’s telecommunications sector, namely with the FUSION and IDT companies, to enrich US politicians. Facing legislative and municipal elections in 1995, Aristide tried to blackmail the Clinton administration by saying in a well-publicized speech, “for things to go well in Washington things have to go well in Haiti” meaning if Washington did not support his actions to preserve his party during those elections, he was in a position to create trouble for the Clinton Administration in a US election year. Aristide has created in Haiti the popular belief that he has enough evidence in hand to blackmail some politicians in the US who did business with him.  No one knows if this is truth or fiction.

After his electoral coup in November 2000, an agreement of eight points for the return of constitutional order signed between Aristide and President Clinton’s National Security Advisor Anthony Lake created an air of legitimacy despite the fact that the country was opposed to the coup.  Amidst protests around the country, after his February 2001 swearing in, Aristide went after his political opponents again, burning headquarters of political parties, private residences of political party leaders, killing and repressing journalists and various sectors of civil society including youth, peasants, women organizations and the private sector.  All this while his Administration plunged the country into deeper corruption and poverty.

As a result, another popular uprising started in 2003-04 demanding his resignation.  Members of his own Fanmi Lavalas party saw him as a threat to their political future.  To prop up his undemocratic and unpopular regime, Aristide responded by requesting US military intervention from a reticent Bush Administration.  To force their hands, he returned to the familiar tactic of attempting to orchestrate another massive wave of boat people to Florida by destroying Haiti’s newly formed coast guard.  He failed.  Without external military support he had to face the Haitian people -- and even his own supporters.  

Contrary to Aristide’s propaganda machine, national figures from Fanmi Lavalas, including Moise Jean Charles, reached out to Guy Philippe, a former police commissioner, living in the Dominican Republic.  Moise Jean Charles brought Guy Philippe to Haiti to lead the effort to oust Aristide. That fact was confirmed years later during a contentious interview between Jean Charles and Lavalas Senators Gerald Gilles on Radio Galaxie in Haiti. This revelation contradicted all previous statements made by Aristide allies and lobbyist in the US.

Facing a popular uprising, Aristide was saved by the US and France -- just like Duvalier before him.  Aristide resigned in 2004 and went into exile in South Africa. Upon his arrival, he fabricated a story that the US kidnapped him.  His allies, namely Kim Ives dutifully broadcast this storyline. That storyline, however, was only for international consumption.  In Haiti everyone knew that he suffered the same fate as Duvalier because of the way he ruled the country.

After his 2010 return to Haiti, his US political allies and lobbyists have revived his anti-Americanism strategy to return him to power through his wife.  This strategy will again include creating chaos in country and weakening democratic institutions, blackmailing US politicians and removing Martelly’s constitutional government by blocking the electoral process. Already, Aristide has effectively worked with Senate President Simon Dieuseul Desras to prevent the vote on the electoral law necessary to organize the October 2014 elections – the law has already passed the lower house. 

Aristide again is banking on the fact the US foreign affairs bureaucracy favors stability and peace above all else, and therefore, always responds to threats of violence.  He has secured the support of one member of the Congressional Black Caucus and is banking on support from one or two sympathizers in the US bureaucracy who serve on the Haiti Desk at the US State Department in 1994.  He is further banking on extra political sensitivity given the 2016 US presidential campaign and the speculation that Mrs. Clinton will be a frontrunner. 

What Aristide forgets – as usual – is that in Haiti all politics are local. Haitians have already rejected him for his undemocratic practices and corruption.  They will see right through this deception as business as usual and flatly reject him again.  The silver lining in this “business as usual” story, is that there will be a much needed – and long overdue -- investigation into where the aid funds actually went.  There are still 150,000 people living under tents and only modest improvement in the country  as the allocation of aid funds has not been strategic  or effective despite the Haitian government’s efforts to help shape the overall aid deployment. The Haitian Government – mainly using Canadian aid – relocated 1.35 million people but lack the aid to finish the job.  It should be noted that the Haitian Government itself only receive 1 percent of the aid funds with the remainder going mainly to international NGOs and politically connected contractors.

Pourquoi le Président du Senat d’Haïti Simon Desras a-t-il peur des élections? par Stanley Lucas

Depuis 2012 le Sénateur Simon Desras fait de son mieux pour bloquer l’organisation des élections démocratiques en Haïti. Le Sénat a toujours fait partie de toutes les discussions devant aboutir a la mise en place du CEP pour organiser les élections en Haïti. Quand le Président Martelly a propose d’institutionnaliser le système électoral par la mise en place d’un CEP permanent c’est le Sénateur Desras et ses allies au sénat qui se sont opposes a cette proposition. Ce sont eux qui ont propose le CTCEP le 7 Novembre 2012 et qui a permis l’accord du 14 Novembre 2012. C’est encore le sénateur Simon Desras qui a propose l’article 7 de l’Accord politique d’El Rancho pour changer si l’un des pouvoirs le voulait un membre du CEP.  C’est le sénateur Desras qui a donne le mandat au sénateur Steven Benoit pour signer l’Accord Politique qui ouvre la voie à l’organisation des élections. C'est lui qui avait déclaré qu'une fois les dix noms pour la Cour Superieure des Comptes dans le Moniteur, le il signerait l'Accord et respecterait ses engagements, pour plus de details klike la: https://soundcloud.com/haiticherie/audio-simon-dieuseul-desras L’ensemble des partis ayant signe l’accord ont respecte la signature donnée. Il revenait au Senat de voter l’amendement de la loi électorale après le vote massif de la chambre des députés. Aujourd’hui que le sénateur Desras et ses allies écrivent a l’Exécutif pour recommencer a zéro le processus de formation du CEP est un signe patent de mauvaise foi pour être charitable. Est-ce que la chambre des députés, les pouvoirs judiciaire et exécutif accepteront de remettre le CEP a cette société civile donc un secteur politique que nous connaissons bien qui a été maitre dans la manipulation des élections a travers 14 CEP provisoires sours leur contrôle? Quel est le raisonnement derrière ces efforts absurdes? Le contrôle du CEP? Deux arguments contredisent cette approche. Le premier c'est que les membres actuellement au CEP ont été désignés par les trois pouvoirs de l'état. Dans ce contexte c'est un CEP équilibré. N'est-ce pas Desras et ses allies qui ont introduit cette formule dans l'amendement de la constitution de 2012? Le second, c'est qu'il est impossible de voler des élections comme Fanmi Lavalas, Lespwa et l'INITE savaient le faire avec le contrôle du CEP de 1995 a 2010. Les élections du 28 Novembre 2010 sont une preuve concrète. Preval et l'INITE malgré la mainmise sur le CEP n'ont pas pu impose Jude Celestin comme President en Novembre 2010. Le peuple est descendu dans les rues pour défendre son vote.

Selon les analystes le blocage vient du fait que le Sénateur Desras et ses collègues Lavalas croient que s’il n’y a pas d’élections le Président Michel Martelly devra démissionner pour lui céder la place comme Président Provisoire de la république. La nouvelle constitution amendée en 2012 prévoit que si le Président constitutionnel de la république n’est plus en fonction c’est le Président du Senat qui le remplacera. Le plan de Desras une fois a la tête de l'Etat sera de remettre le pouvoir a son parti Fanmi Lavalas a travers des élections truquées. Ce que Desras n’a pas comprit dans ce raisonnement théorique absurde c’est que son mandat a prit fin depuis le 14 Janvier 2014. Si l’Accord d’El Rancho qui a prolonge son mandat n’existe plus il ne peut pas être Président Provisoire de la république. Ce serait plutôt le Vice Président du Senat qui est encore légalement sénateur de la république. Pour être clair il n’y aura pas de coup d’état et non plus de Président Provisoire. Ceux qui veulent le pouvoir iront aux élections avec le gouvernement constitutionnel. Et pour qu'il y ait des élections en 2014 la machine électorale devrai être mise en branle de façon irréversible d'ici le 15 Juin.

La chronologie suivante vous offre une idée des excuses utilisées par le Sénateur Desras et ses allies dans leurs tentatives de blocage de l’organisation des élections en Haïti. Il est tantôt contre le CEP permanent pour proposer un CTCEP d’exception pour ensuite proposer des modifications lors de l'Accord d'El Rancho et enfin réclamer un CEP provisoire qui n’existe plus puisque les transitions provisoires de la constitution notamment l’article 289 qui permettaient cette mise en place ne sont plus la depuis l’amendement de 2012. Les journalistes devraient les questionner sur la légalité et l’approche antidémocratique de leur stratégie puisque la documentation de la chronologie suivante vient d’eux.

·        8 Mai 2012: Echec de la tentative du Sénateur Simon Desras de prolonger le mandat des dix sénateurs élus pour deux ans. Ses collègues sénateurs ont rejeté sa proposition de prolongation la trouvant illégale et inconstitutionnelle. Pour plus de détails Klike la: http://www.haitilibre.com/article-5590-haiti-politique-pas-de-prolongation-des-mandats-des-senateurs-sortants.html
    17 Mai 2012: Publication de l'amendement de la constitution
    3 Juillet 2012: Installation par le President Martelly pour la premiere fois apres vingt cinq ans de constitution des membres du Conseil Superieur du Pouvoir Judiciaire (CSPJ). Pour plus de détails klike la: http://www.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article13053#.U2oq-7_a5PM

·        9 Juillet 2012: Le Président Martelly demande au Présidents des deux chambres de choisir les trois membres devant représenter le pouvoir Législatif au CEP. Pour les détails klike la: http://www.slideshare.net/Stanleylucas/lettre-cep-9-juillet-12

·        19 Juillet 2012: La formation du CEP pour organiser les prochaines élections n’est pas une priorité pour les sénateurs de la république. Pour plus de détails klike la: http://www.metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_une_fr.php?id=21135&action=print

·        14 Aout 2012: Le Président du Senat Simon Desras s’oppose à la formation d’un CEP permanent et propose un CEP d’exception. Pour plus de détails klike la: http://www.metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_une_fr.php?id=21236

·        7 Novembre 2012: Le sénateur Simon Desras et ses allies les sénateurs de l’opposition proposent la formation d’un CTCEP: http://www.metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_une_fr.php?id=21565

·        26 Décembre 2012: Suite a la proposition de Simon Desras et de ses allies sénateurs, le Président de la république accepte leurs propositions a travers un accord signe entre l’Exécutif et le Législatif. Pour les détails klike la: http://www.metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_une_fr.php?id=21725&action=print

·        28 Décembre 2012: Le Président du Senat Simon Desras demande l’application de l’Accord pour la formation du CTCEP: http://www.metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_une_fr.php?id=21730

·        7 Mars 2013: La commission bicamérale chargée de designer les représentants du Législatif au CTCEP a tenu sa première séance de travail deux mois après les déclarations du Sénateur Desras. Pour plus de détails klike la: http://www.metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_une_fr.php?id=21904

·        5 Avril 2013: Le Conseil Supérieur du Pouvoir Judiciaire (CSPJ) désigne ses trois membres au CTCEP. Pour plus de détails klike la: http://www.slideshare.net/Stanleylucas/lettre-du-cspj-trois-3-membres-au-ctcep-1

·        19 Avril 2013: Installations des neuf membres du Conseil Électoral (CTCEP). Pour plus de détails klike la : http://radiokiskeya.com/spip.php?article9530

·        12 Juillet 2013: Le Sénateur Moise Jean Charles membre de Fanmi Lavalas comme le Sénateur Simon Desras donne deux réponses qui prouvent qu’il sont contre l’organisation des élections en Haïti. Sur la radio Scoop FM suite a une question lui demandant comment il allait gagner les élections, il a répondu qu’il travaillait pour obtenir le chaos. Sur radio Signal FM le 13 Juillet il affirme que le Président Aristide et le parti Fanmi Lavalas ne veulent pas des élections en Haïti. A. https://soundcloud.com/haiticherie/haiti-plan-senateur-moise-jean   B. https://soundcloud.com/haiticherie/moise-jean-charles-fanmi

·        Mars 2013: Près de huit mois après la lettre du Président Michel Martelly le Président du Senat Simon Desras fait de son mieux pour ralentir la formation du CEP. Pour plus de détails klike la: http://www.haitilibre.com/article-8125-haiti-ctcep-les-3-representants-designes-du-parlement-toujours-pas-confirmes.html

·        15 Mars 2013: Le parlement désigne ses trois membres pour le CTCEP. Pour plus de détails klike la: http://www.slideshare.net/Stanleylucas/lettre-du-corps-legislatif-3-representants-au-ctcep-25780578

·        14 Mars 2014: Signature de l’Accord d’El Rancho. Le sénateur Simon Desras au cours des négociations a exige que chaque pouvoir ait la possibilité de garder l’ensemble des membres du CEP ou de changer au maximum un membre s’il le désire. Cette clause a été introduite a l’article 7 de l’accord signe par l’Exécutif, le Parlement et cinquante partis politiques. Pour plus de détails klike la: http://www.slideshare.net/Stanleylucas/accord-del-rancho-original

·        1 Avril 2014: L’Exécutif remplit l’ensemble de ses obligations dans l’Accord d’El Rancho notamment : a. la publication des dix membres de la Cour Supérieure des Comptes b. la publication de la loi électorale c. la publication de la loi sur les partis politiques d. la publication des résolutions non contraignantes du Senat dans le journal officiel le Moniteur e. La nomination du cabinet d’ouverture.

·        2 Avril 2014: Les députés votent l’amendement de la loi électoral comme convenu dans l’Accord d’El Rancho. Pour plus de détails klike la : http://www.metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_poli_fr.php?id=23904

·        8 Avril 2014 : Six sénateurs bloquent le vote de la loi électorale devant permettre l’organisation des élections

·        21 Avril 2014 : Le Président Martelly presse les sénateurs a voter la loi électorale. Pour plus de détails klike la : http://www.metropolehaiti.com/metropole/full_une_fr.php?id=24037

·        27 Avril 2014: Le Président du Senat Simon Desras qui avait propose le CEP d’exception ou CTCEP change encore sa position. Pour bloquer et retarder le processus le électoral il propose cette fois la formation d’un Conseil Electoral Provisoire (CEP) selon l’article 289 de la constitution qui n’existe plus. L’amendement de 2012 a mis en veilleuse toutes les dispositions transitoires de la constitution de 1987. Pour plus de détails klike la: http://radiokiskeya.com/spip.php?article10083
   
     Conclusion
     Trois catégories d'acteurs politiques ne veulent pas d'élections en Haiti
      1. A analyser les résultats des neuf élections de 1995 a 2010 ces leaders ou partis politiques opposes a l'organisation des élections en 2014 n'ont jamais reçus plus que 1% dans le passe. On retrouve quelques uns dans le MOPOD. Par exemple la dernière fois que le PNDPH de Turneb Delpe a gagne un poste de sénateur c'était en 1990. Depuis lors ce regroupement politique, le PNDPH,  n'a jamais fait plus que 1% aux élections. C'est la même chose pour le parti PLB qui a obtenu un poste de senteur avec Renaud Bernadin en 1995. Depuis lors le parti n'a jamais réalisé plus que 1% aux élections. Les partis BOURAD et PLAH qui font partie du MOPOD n'ont jamais fait non plus un score supérieur a 1% aux élections. C'est ca le MOPOD
     2. Les partis Fanmi Lavalas, Lespwa devenu INITE sont toujours opposes a l'organisation d'élections en Haiti s'ils n'ont pas le contrôle du CEP et de la machine électoral pour changer les résultats des élections. Ils ont vole les élections de 1995 avec le President du CEP Anselme Remy qui était a leur service. Ils ont tente de voler les élections du 6 Avril 1997 en essayant de changer les résultats des élections avec les membres du CEP qu'ils avaient sous leur contrôle. Le Premier Ministre Rosny Smarth avait bloque les résultats fabriques et refuser de les publier. Il a du démissionner et c'est ce qui a entraine la crise de 1999 et la dissolution du parlement par Rene Preval le 11 Janvier 1999. Plus tard en 2000, ils ont menace de mort le President du CEP Leon Manus responsable de l'organisation des élections du 21 Mai pour le forcer a publier les résultats fabriques par le Palais National. Manus a préféré prendre l'exil au lieu de publier les résultats fabriques par Jean Bertrand Aristide. Leon Manus est un héros de la démocratie. Voici la lettre qu'il a publie sur ces menaces: http://www.windowsonhaiti.com/bbs/messages/583.html En 2009 l'INITE volera les differents postes aux élections sénatoriales et fera de on mieux pour voler les élections du 28 Novembre 2010. Mais le peuple s'est soulevé contre le coup d'état électoral de l'INITE et de Preval. Lavalas et l'INITE n'iront jamais aux élections s'ils n'ont pas le contrôle de la machine électorale. Ils comptent sur leurs allies a Washington pour prendre le contrôle de la machine électorale.
     3. Les sénateurs et députés qui n'ont pas répondu aux attentes de leurs mandants durant leur mandat ont peur d'aller aux élections. Nombreux sont les sénateurs et députés qui n'ont rien réglé pour les populations de leur circonscription et département. Ils savent qu'ils n'ont aucune chance de gagner des élections. Ils s'appuient sur deux tactiques, le contrôle de la machine électorale et essaient de créer une crise politique pour prolonger leur mandat.

      Face a cette réalité des décisions doivent être prises pour mettre en branle le processus électoral d'ici le mois de Juin sinon nous rentrons dans une période d'instabilité politique qui durera au moins vingt ans.